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Vibhūticandra

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Vibhūticandra (1170-1230) Disciple of Śākyaśrībhadra (1127–1225, cf. Naudou 1968 pp. 196ff.; Ruegg 1966 pp. 42f., n. 1); Life dates: around 1200; goes to Tibet 1203/1204 (cf. Sāṅkṛtyāyana 1937 pp. 11-14; Ruegg 1981 p. 117).
CYRUS STEARNS
The Life and Tibetan Legacy of the Indian
Mahapandita Vibhuticandra

The Indian Buddhist master Vibhuticandra (Rnal-'byor zla-ba1) first came to Tibet in 1204, and was active and influential for several decades in the transmission and translation of both sutra and tantra teachings. He traveled to Tibet three times, and at least one of the works he translated himself into the Tibetan language has been passed down to the present as an important tantric practice in living transmission.2 Other works have been the subject of some controversy, although the one which has received the most attention over the centuries may have been forged by I should like to express my gratitude to the sublime vajracdrya Bco-brgyad Khri-chen Rinpoche, of Bodhnath and Lumbini, Nepal, under whose guidance I was privileged to study the sadangayoga according to the teachings of Jonang Taranatha.


I am grateful to Prof. Leonard van der Kuijp, Harvard University, for his suggestions in regard to this paper, and for allowing me to use his copies of the manuscripts by Khro-phu Lo-tsa-ba and Shes-rab mgon which are listed in the bibliography. I should also like to thank Dr. Franz-Karl Ehrhard of the Nepal-German Manuscript Preservation Project, Kathmandu, for his kind help in obtaining copies of manuscripts from Nepal.

1. This is the most common Tibetan translation of Vibhuticandra's name, although the forms Rnam-'byor zla-ba and Rab-'byor zla-ba are also found.

For example, in a prayer to the transmission lineage of these practices in the Jo-nang-pa tradition, Dol-po-pa Shes-rab rgyal-mtshan (1292-1361) refers to Vibhuticandra as both Rnam-par 'byor-pa'i zla, and the more common translation of Rnal-'byor zla-ba.

See Dol-po-pa, Bla ma nye, 770, 771.

Other than in the colophons of works he authored and / or translated into Tibetan, his name is usually just transliterated as Bi-bhu-ti-tsandra. Cf. de Jong 1979, 164- 167, who was very uncertain whether Rnal-'byor zla-ba and Vibhuticandra could even be the same person.

2. This is the Rnal 'byor yan lag drug pa, a fundamental text on the practice of the sadangayoga of the Kalacakra-tantra, directly revealed to Vibhuticandra by the legendary mahasiddha Savaripa. See below for a discussion of this text. See GrGnbold 1983 for basic information on the sadangayoga.

an unknown author with polemic motives. The following sketch of the life and literary activities of Vibhuticandra will seek to provide a glimpse of this fascinating but little known master and clarify his significance in light of the opinions put forth by later Tibetan authors.

Vibhuticandra was born in the later half of the 12th century, in the region of Varendra in East India.4 He received full monastic ordination 3. A number of Sanskrit verses and marginal notations in Vibhuticandra's own handwriting were found in Indian palm leaf manuscripts at Sa-skya by Rahula Samkrtyayana in the 1930s. See Samkrtyayana 1937, 11-13. Several western scholars have utilized these notes, in particular his footnotes, personal remarks, and scholarly references found in Samkrtyayana's edition of Manorathanandin's Pramanavarttikavrtti. See Steinkellner 1981, 288.

The following discussion of Vibhutcandra's life is based upon secondary sources in Tibetan, of which the most important by far are Padma gar-dbang, Zab, 23b-28b, and Taranatha, Rdo 481-486. Padma gar-dbang's work was written in 1538, and Taranatha's about 80 years later.

The accounts given by Taranatha are what he considered to be the miraculous oral biographies {gtam-rgyud rnam-thar ngo-mtshar che-ba) of the Kalacakra tradition of Vibhuticandra (Taranatha, Rdo 479). Tucci 1949, vol. 1, 129, also knew of this source.

Padma gar-dbang's text is a lineage history of the Kalacakra teachings known as the Sbas pa mig 'byed. Very little is presently known about this compendium of teachings on the sadangayoga.

The Sbas pa mig 'byed is often found mentioned among other traditions related to the Kalacakra, and was a special teaching of the Bo-dong-pa school in Tibet. After Vajradhara, the text traces the lives of the following lineal masters:

Savaripa, Vibhuticandra, Chos-sku 'od-zer, 'Phags-'od Yon-tan rgya-mtsho, Bu-ston Rin-chen grub, Lo-chen Byang-chub rtse-mo, Lo-chen Grags-pa rgyalmtshan, Bo-dong Pan-chen, Bsod-nams mchog-gyur, Pan-chen Byams-pa Chos-kyi nyi-'od, and Padma gar-kyi dbang-phyug.

The relationship, if any, between the text known as the Sbas pa mig 'byed, its commentary by Kalacakrapada (Dus-zhabs-pa), and this tradition will remain unclear until more texts which have recently surfaced in Nepal can be examined. 4. Taranatha, Rdo 481, states that Vibhuticandra was born as the son of a merchant in Bha-lendra: rgya gar shar phyogs bha lendrar tshong dpon cig gi sras su 'khrungs.

But in the colophon to Vibhuticandra's commentary on the Bodhicaryavatara, in the Peking edition of the Tibetan Tripitaka, vol. 100, #5282, 280.6-7, he is described as born in the ksatriya caste, in Ba-rendra, an eastern region of India: shar phyogs ba rendrar rgyal rigs las 'khrungs]]. Padma gar-dbang, Zab, 24a, also states that he was from the ksatriya caste. The Tibetan rendering of Bha-lendra or Ba-rendra certainly refers to the area

in the mahasammitiya (mang-pos bkur-ba) tradition, and studied at such monastic universities as Vikramaslla in the central Indian region of Magadha, and also in other areas such as Orissa during the final years before the total destruction of those institutions by Muslim invaders.5

He may have first met his future guru, the mahapandita of Kashmir, Sakyasribhadra (11277-1225?), at Vikramas'ila and fled with him to the monastic complex of Jagaddala in Bengal to escape the Muslim onslaught, or he may have already been studying there when SakyasrI arrived.6

At Jagaddala he became an expert in the traditional fields of sutra, vinaya, and abhidharma, and also in the non-buddhist sciences.7

In any case, it seems that he studied under the Kashmiri master for three years in India before traveling with him to Tibet, in the company of a large group of fellow Indian scholar-siddhas.

In addition to SakyasrI, Vibhuticandra's other early teachers were the scholars Vikhyatadeva (Bikhya- ta-de-ba) and *Dharmadasa (Chos-'bangs).

From these three gurus he received many teachings, but especially the Kalacakra-tantra initiations, reading transmissions, explanations, and oral instructions.9 in northern Bengal which was known during that period as Varendra or Varendri. See note 6 below.

5. The Tibetan text reads O-di-bi-sha. Dutt 1962, 378, note 2, mentions that Otivassa is another name for Orissa. For information on Vikramaslla, see 358- 362 of the same work.

6. For the life of Sakyasribhadra, see Roerich, trans. 1976, 1062-1072, etc., and Jackson 1990. For information on the great monastic establishment of Jagaddala, see Dutt 1962, 376-380. It was located in the northern Bengal area known then as Varendra or Varendri, and was probably founded by king Ramapala (reign c. 10777-11207). It was destroyed by the Turuska invaders about 1207.

7. Dutt 1962, 351, states without giving a source, that Vibhuticandra and his fellow junior pandita, Danaslla, wrote original works in Tibetan and translated Sanskrit works into Tibetan while still at Jagaddala. This seems very unlikely.

It is more probable that they learned Tibetan during their subsequent eleven year stay in Tibet, and began to translate texts while in Tibet. There is no evidence to suggest that Vibhuticandra himself wrote original works in Tibetan; every work of his preserved in Tibetan seems to be a translation, although without Sanskrit originals at hand it is impossible to be certain. 8.

Chimpa and Chattopadhyaya, trans. 1990, 319, state that SakyasrI spent 3 years at Jagaddala, but erroneously places it in Odivisa. Taranatha, Rdo 481, correctly states that Jagaddala was in Bengal, and that Vibhuticandra studied with SakyasrI for three years in India.

9. Padma gar-dbang, Zab, 24a. Khro-phu Lo-tsa-ba, Khro, 42a-b, specifies that the pandita-siddha Vikhyatadeva (Bi-khya-ta-de-ba) was the main teacher

Vibhuticandra took Sakyasri as his main guru, and stayed with him for eleven years in Tibet, learning innumerable topics of secret mantra, as well as mahaydna subjects such as the Five Bhumi Treatises of Asanga.10

Soon after his arrival in Tibet, Sakyasri, accompanied by Vibhuticandra and most of the other panditas of the group, traveled to Central Tibet. The summer retreat of 1206 was spent at Srin-po-ri.n During this time Sakyas received invitations from the mahamudra master 'Bri-gung 'Jigrten mgon-po (1143-1217), Rgya-ma Sangs-rgyas dbon-ston, and perhaps the monastery of Mtshur-phuJ2

According to Khro-phu Lo-tsaba Byams-pa'i dpal (1172-1236), who was SaJcya&i's Tibetan interpreter, Vibhuticandra made the following remark while discussing which invitation to accept:

The 'Bri-gung-pa is said to have more wealth, but it is also said that this mahamudra adept is a great liar.13

for tantric subjects of mahasiddha Buddhasri, whom Khro-phu Lo-tsa-ba studied with for five years, and later invited to Tibet in 1200. Vikhyatadeva's main residence (gtan-sa) was at the Mahabodhi in Bodhgaya.

Toward the end of the 12th century we find Vikhyatadeva refusing an invitation from the king of Bhaktapur, the ham-du priests (?), and the ascetics of the central Kathmandu valley to come teach in Nepal (bal yul 'thil gyi ta pa swi dang / ham du rnam dang / kho pom gyi rgyal pos. . .). His excuse was advanced age, and he sent Buddhas in his place. My thanks to Mr. Hubert Decleer, Kathmandu, for suggestions on the translation of this passage. Bu-ston, Bla 90, lists both Vikhyatadeva and Dharmadasa before Vibhuticandra in the lineage of the Gsung rab rin chen 'dus pa.

10. Taranatha, Rdo 481.

11. Mang-thos klu-sgrub, Bstan 156.

12. The earliest available description of this event is Khro-phu Lo-tsa-ba, Khro, 69a-b, which states only that the invitations of the 4Bri-khung-ba and Rin-chen sgang-pa arrived at the same time.

Roerich, trans. 1976, 600, ('Goslo, Deb vol.2, 706) mentions all three, but Dpa'-bo, Chos vol. 1, 523, mentions only the first two. Padma gar-dbang, Zab, 24b, makes no mention of the following episode, except for stating that Vibhuticandra accompanied Sakyasri to Srin-po-ri and built an image of Cakrasamvara. See Jackson 1990, 20-21, and 1994, 69-70, for important information about the following events. Bsod-nams dpal-bzang-po's version of the events (in Jackson 1990, 70) is copied verbatim from Khro-phu Lo-tsa-ba's original account. 13. Khro-phu Lo-tsa-ba, Khro, 69b: nor 'bri khung ba mang zer te / phyag rgya chen po ba 'di brdzun che ba yin zer byas pas /. Dpa'-bo, Chos vol. 1, 523, has exactly the same wording.

But according to 'Gos Lo-tsa-ba Gzhon-nu dpal (1392-1481), writing more than two centuries later, Vibhuticandra said: This mahamudra adept is said to be a great liar. We should go to the place of the Bka'-gdams-pa.14

Khro-phu Lo-tsa-ba says that SakyasrI then exclaimed, "[He is a] Buddha! A Buddha! It's not right to say that!"15 He proceeded to explain that his own special deity Tara had indicated to him that 'Jig-rten mgonpo was indeed the rebirth of the Indian master Nagarjuna.

Khro-phu Lotsa- ba further tells us:

[SakyasrI]] said "Pandita, you must go there and confess your sin [[[sgrib sbyong]]). Build a temple for [a deity] to whom you have devotion." So the master Vibhuti also went to 'Bri-khung, confessed his sin to Rinpo- che 'Jig-rten mgon-po himself, and offered a eulogy. Later he built a temple on Srin-po-ri.16


'Gos Lo-tsa-ba describes the episode like this: The mahapandita was shocked, and exclaimed "Bhuti! Bhuti! Don't say that! A buddha has no error. 'Bri-khung-pa is master Nagarjuna. You 14. 'Gos-lo, Deb vol. 2, 706: pandi ta bi bhu ti candras / phyag rgya ba 'di rdzun che ba yin z.er / 'o skol bka' gdams pa 'i sar 'byon pa 'thad zhus pas /. 15. Khro-phu Lo-tsa-ba, Khro, 69b: chos rje'i z.hal nas / bud dhah bud dhah / de skad byar mi rung ngo I. Dpa'-bo, Chos vol. 1, 523, has: rje pan chen gyis na gardz.hu na na gardz.hu na de skad mi btub bo /
16. Khro-phu Lo-tsa-ba, Khro, 69b: pandi ta yang der song la sgrib sbyong gyis / rang gang mos pa'i lha khang gcig bzhengs gsung / der bla ma bi bhu tas kyang 'bri khung du byon nas rin po che nyid la sgrib sbyong by as bstod pa phul/phyis srin po rir lha khangs bzhengs so //.


Dpa'-bo adds that the temple contained a Samvara image which was the same size as the body of ]]SakyaSri\\, and which was very blessed and floated in space. Dpa'-bo, Chos vol. 1, 523: phyis srin po rir pan chen gyi sku tshad kyi bde mchog gi lha khang bzhengs te nam mkha' la bzhugs pa byin rlabs can du grags/.

It is indeed strange that the available biographies of ]]'Jig-rten mgon-po]], and his nephew, are silent about Vibhuticandra.

The only entry in reference to these events is in Shes-rab 'byung-gnas, Dgongs vol.1, 83.5, which may be dated between the years 1203-1207: de 'i dus su pandi ta shakya shrl dang zhal mjal du bzhed pa la / gshegs pa ni ma byung / zhabs tog ni rgya chen po mdz.ad do /.

have committed a great sin. Go before him now, and confess. Request dharma."

Vibhuti did precisely that. Then the mahapandita asked Holy [[[Tara]]], "Does that purify Vibhuti's fault?"

She replied, "If he constructs a Samvara temple at this place, that will purify it." Hence he properly constructed a temple also.17 The temple was constructed on Drang-srong Srin-po-ri. Vibhuticandra himself fashioned the terra-cotta image of Cakrasamvara, and requested Sakyasri to perform the consecration.18 This was a very famous temple in Tibet up until recent times, and recognized as a holy place specially associated with Cakrasamvara.

Returning to Gtsang from Central Tibet, Sakyasri stopped at the monastery of Sa-skya, and spent the rainy season retreat of 1209 at the Rin-chen-sgangs palace.


During this time he met with Rje-btsun Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan (1147-1216), then Patriarch of Sa-skya, and 17. 'Gos-lo, Deb vol. 2, 706: pan chen thugs hur phyung ste / bhu ti bhu ti de skad [707] ma z.er / sangs rgyas la 'khrul pa mi mnga' / 'bri khung pa slob dpon klu sgrub yin / khyod kyis las chen po bsags / da khong ni [sic!] drung du song la bshags pa gyis / chos zhus gsungs pas / bi bhu tis kyang de kho na bzhin du mdz.ad / de nas rje btsun ma la pan chen gyis / bi bhu ti'i nyes pa des dag gam zhus pas / gnas 'dir bde mchog gi lha khang zhig bzhengs na des 'dag par 'gyur gsung ba bzhin lha khang yang legs par bzhengs so /. 18. Taranatha, Rdo 481: drang srong srin po rir bde mchog gi lha khang bzhengs / 'jim bz.o bi bhu ti rang gis mdz.ad / rab gnas kha che pan chen la zhus /

19. Taranatha, Rgyal 65b, records in his autobiography that in the last decade of the 16th century there were also kept in the temple at Srin-po-ri two exceptionally fine icons of the mandala (dkyil thang) of Cakrasamvara according to the tradition of Luipa, and of Kalacakra, both definitely of Indian workmanship, which had been the personal meditation objects of Vibhuticandra himself. Taranatha, Rgyud 63, mentions specific iconographical details concerning the figure of YamSri depicted in Vibhuticandra's Cakrasamvara icon at Srin-po-ri.

Kah-thog Chos-kyi rgya-mtsho (1880-1925), Gangs, 156, specifies that the famous image was in the form of Cakrasamvara-sahaja (Bde-mchog Ihanskyes), with the figure and face of a Nepalese person. Curiously, he does not mention Vibhuticandra, and says that it was built by an emanated master who then dissolved into it. He also mentions that the feet of the image didn't touch the ground, and that it was suspended in space.

20. Mang-thos Klu-sgrub, Bstan 157: sbrul lo'i dbyar gnas rin chen sgang du mdzad/. But Sa-skya Pandita, Bla 148, says Sakyasri spent the summer at Sa-skya in 1210 (Icags-pho-rta).

continued to teach that master's precocious nephew Kun-dga' rgyalmtshan (1182-1251), to whom he had earlier given the lasting epithet "Sa-skya Pandita."

Vibhuticandra was also in Sa-skya, along with the other eight panditas in Sakyasri's company. According to Jo-nang Taranatha (1575-1635), he was the most learned of the nine "junior panditas," and already a mahapandita in his own right.21 Historical records of the Sa-skya tradition mention several meetings between Sakyasri and Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan, during some of which Sa-pan and the other panditas were also present.

On one occasion Sakyasri returned the prostration which Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan offered to him when the Kashmiri master visited in his private chambers. The junior panditas had earlier requested that Sakyasri not prostrate to Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan, who was a layman, and afterward questioned Sakyasri about the reason for his prostration. He replied that Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan was actually Mahavajradhara in the mandala of Guhyasamaja, so he had been compelled to prostrate.

No mention is made in the various Sa-skya chronicles of a refusal by any of the panditas to prostrate to Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan, but Taranatha records an account in which Vibhuticandra refused to prostrate, although the other eight junior panditas did so.23 According to this version, Saskya Pandita had already studied grammar with SanghasrI, and logic with Danasri, and also requested teachings from each of the other panditas, and given each of them gifts. But he did not request teachings from Vibhuticandra, nor offer him any gifts, even though he was the most expert of the junior pamfoas. This was because of the alleged disrespect Vibhuticandra had shown to Sa-pan's uncle, Rje-btsun Grags-pa rgyalmtshan.

24 The Tibetan scholar Dge-'dun chos-'phel (19037-1951) held 21. Taranatha, Rdo 485.

22. 'Jam-dbyangs Mkhyen-brtse'i dbang-phyug, Gdams 68b. For other traditional versions of this episode according to the Sa-skya tradition, see 'Jammgon A-myes-zhabs Sa, 79-80, and Yongs 191. An example of justification for the junior pandita's concerns is found in the Gurupancasika by Asvaghosa, which has been translated as Fifty Verses of Guru-Devotion. See Translation Bureau of Tibetan Works and Archives 1976, 10.

23. This is only found in Taranatha, Rdo 484, not in the earlier text of Padma gar-dbang, Zab.

24. Taranatha, Rdo 484.7: pan chung gzhan mams kyis rje btsun grags pa la phyag phul / [485] bi bhu tis ma phul / rje sa pan gyis de 'i sngon du sanga shri la sgra dang / da na shri la tshad ma gsan / de dus pan chung gzhan mams la 'ang chos 'brel re tsam zhus / rdzong pa bzang po mdzad pa la / bi bhu ti de dus nas pan chung dgu 'i nang nas mkhas shos yin / de dus pan chen

the opinion that the melancholy verses written by Vibhuticandra in a Sanskrit manuscript preserved at Sa-skya bear witness to the truth of the account given by Taranatha.

However, this version of the story does not ring true for several reasons, and may have been used as a means to show an early rift between Vibhuticandra and the Sa-skya 'Khon family, for which there is no other evidence. First of all, it is difficult to imagine that a young Indian scholar would refuse to offer a prostration when his own guru and eight other panditas did so. And, as was mentioned above, none of the records of the Sa-skya tradition itself make this claim.

The account may have been fabricated in order to establish Vibhuticandra1 s estrangement from the Sa-skya family, and thus by extension his disagreement with Sa-skya doctrinal positions, the only textual evidence for which is the [[Sdom gsum 'od kyi phreng ba, which will be dealt with in more detail below. It should be noted that Vibhuticandra and the other eight junior panditas were not adverse to paying deference to Tibetans. They had previously shown the greatest respect for the young Khro-phu Lo-tsa-ba, Byams-pa'i dpal, rising at his approach and clasping their palms together, after having been convinced of his learning.26 In any case, this version of the events may have been used by 'Bri-gung-pa sympathizers for the purpose of placing rang du ka yod kyang / chos kyang ma gsan / rdzong pa yang ma mdzad skad /. Also see Jackson 1994, 69, note 165.

25. Dge-'dun chos-'phel, Rgyal, 32: 'di bi bha [sic!J ti tsandra kha che pan chen gyi zhabs zhur by on pa de bzhi'i phyag bris yin cing sa sky a rang du bris par mngon / mjug tu sa mtha' la slebs par dka' tshul sogs thugs skyo ba'i tshigs bead gnyis tsam rgya skad du bris pa / to. ra nd tha 'i 'khrid yig don Idan gyi lhan thabs bi bha [sic!] ti rje btsun grags pa la phyag ma 'tshal bas zhabs tog bzang po ma byas sogs gsungs pa dpang por song nas snang /.


The verses in question are reproduced in devanagari script in Samkrtyayana 1937, 11-13.

In addition to Vibhuticandra's Sanskrit manuscripts which SamkrtySyana examined in Sa-skya, it is interesting to note that a very blessed image of Cakrasamvara, which had been the personal meditation object of Vibhuticandra, was housed in the Dbu-rtse byang-gi thig-khang temple of Sakya right next to an image Rje-btsun Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan had made of himself.

Kun-dga' rin-chen, Gdan, 19a: pandi ta bi bhu ta tsandra'i thugs dam bde mchog by in rlabs shin tu che ba / The author of this text was an abbot of the ancient Sgo-rum temple in Sa-skya. See Dkon-mchog bstan-pa rab-rgyas, Yul 8.

26. Dpa'-bo, Chos vol. 1, 496.

Vibhuticandra in opposition to the Sa-skya-pa, for purposes that will be made clear below.

In 1213 Sakyasri traveled from Khro-phu west to Mnga'-ris, and spent the summer retreat in Pu-rang.27 Vibhuticandra translated a number of brief tantric works in collaboration with Glo-bo Lo-tsa-ba Shes-rab rinchen at a location identified only as the royal citadel of Nyi-gzungs (skumkhar nyi~gzungs/nyi-gz.ugs). In fact, this is the citadel built at Pu-rang in the early 10th century by Skyid-lde Nyi-ma mgon, the son of the Tibetan king Dpal-'khor btsan (b. circa 892), to be the capital of a new state which he founded in Mnga'-ris after fleeing the chaotic situation in central Tibet.29 This identification allows us to state with some certainty that Vibhuticandra was in Pu-rang with Sakyairi in 1213, and engaged in some translation work there. In 1214 Sakyasri returned to his homeland of Kashmir.30 Vibhuticandra may have accompanied him to Kashmir, or gone directly from Pu-rang to Nepal.31 Since all of the translations made with Glo-bo Lo-tsa-ba were either in Pu-rang or Kathmandu, it seems reasonable to assume that they traveled together from Tibet to Nepal.

27. Mang-thos Klu-sgrub, Bstan 157; 'Jam-mgon A-myes-zhabs, Dpal 166.

28. See #1-3 in the Appendix. Glo-bo Lo-tsa-ba Shes-rab rin-chen was a well known scholar of the time. See Sa-skya Pandi-ta, Glo, for [[Sa-pan's] reply to questions from Glo-bo Lo-tsa-ba. We also know that Glo-bo Lo-tsaba became an important teacher of Chos-rgyal 'Phags-pa (1235-1280), to whom he gave many initiations and teachings. See Ye-shes rgyal-mtshan, Bla 308-313. Almost all of Glo-bo Lo-ts5-ba's translations found in the Bstan- 'gyur collection were translated at Sku-mkhar nyi-(ma) gzungs, identified as the palace of a religious king (chos-kyi rgyal-po'i pho-brang).

This is stated in various sources, the most detailed of which is Tshe-dbang nor-bu, Rgyal 73, and Bod 185. The king of Pu-rang in 1215 was Bla-chen Stag-tsha khri-'bar. Petech 1978, 316. It is intriguing that one of the extant Sanskrit notes by Vibhuticandra found in Sa-skya is a farewell to a king, which may well have been addressed to the king of Pu-rang. Samkrtyayana 1937, 12, thought it might have been addressed to Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan, but this is impossible, because he would never have been referred to as a king.

30. Mang-thos klu-sgrub, Bstan 157; 'Jam-mgon A-myes-zhabs, Dpal 166; Jackson 1990, 16,51.

31. In one of the Sanskrit notes in Vibhuticandra's handwriting, found by Samkrtyayana, he seems about to go to Nepal. SamkrtySyana 1937, 13: pascannepdlatah sthitvd. Another note (p. 12) mentions that he was going to return to his own country: svadefameva ydsydmi. Although Tarantha, Rdo 481, states that Vibhuticandra went to Nepal, Padma gar-dbang, Zab 24b, has India, which could perhaps be understood as the Indian cultural area in general.

Vibhuticandra continued his studies in the Kathmandu valley of Nepal under learned and realized Newar Buddhist masters such as Buddhasri, receiving various textual and oral instructions he had not heard before.32 In particular, he mastered the Kalacakra and Cakrasamvara tantras under the guidance of the Newar mahapandita Ratnaraksita.33 Most important, he received from Ratnaraksita the teachings of the sadahgayoga of the Kalacakra in the tradition of the Indian mahasiddha Anupamaraksita.

32. Taranatha, Rdo, 481. Khro-phu Lo-tsa-ba, the interpreter for Sakyasri during the years 1204-1214 in Tibet, had also studied in Nepal with mahapandita Buddhasri for five years, and then invited him to Tibet in 1200.

Khro-phu Lo-tsa-ba, Khro 42b, 43a. Also see Roerich, trans. 1976, 709. 33. Taranatha, Rdo 481. A number of works by the Newar master Ratnaraksita, and some in which he collaborated with a Tibetan translator, are found in the Tibetan Bstan-'gyur. He initiated Ko-brag-pa (1170-1249) into the cycle of Cakrasamvara, and was also the guru of Chag Lo-tsa-ba Chos-rjedpal (1197-1264), who studied with him at Swayambhunath in Kathmandu, also receiving the Cakrasamvara, and served as his interpreter when he taught Tibetan disciples (Roerich, trans. 1976, 726, 1057). Vibhuticandra also translated at least two texts into Tibetan in collaboration with Chag Lo-tsa-ba.

Perhaps they met in Kathmandu and translated texts together there. 34. According to Taranatha, Rdo, 479-480, Anupamaraksita was an 11th-12th century contemporary of the famous master Abhayakaragupta. He was born in Magadha, and received full monastic ordination in the Mahasammitlya tradition. He was skilled in all areas of traditional learning, and also knew the Kalacakra-tantra. Taking Avalokitesvara as his personal deity for meditation, he lived for twelve years in the temple of a self-created image of Khasarpana in the area of Li-kha-ra (Shing-'phel), in east India, meditating upon the ultimate nature of existence. When not even the slightest sign of success in meditation occured, he became depressed. One night he dozed off briefly, and Khasarpana appeared in his dream and told him, "Son, go to Vikramapuri and your wish will be fulfilled."

The next morning he set off, traveling with one of his disciples. On the day they finally reached Vikramapuri he saw a presentation of a variety of dances and shows, which served as a catalyst, and he realized all apparent phenomena to be like an illusion. That night he stayed in a courtyard, and his special deity, or Kalacakra, came there in the form of a mendicant, who said to him, "Son, this is reality." Simply hearing that, his experiential realization of the sadahgayoga was instantly perfected, and he beheld the meaning of the nature of existence. Although he had become a mahasiddha, he continued to act for the benefit of living beings for many more years, keeping the same ordinary human body as before, even though he now had many supernatural abilities. When he finally actualized the rainbow body of the vajakdya, he left behind no physical remains.

This lineage later became known in Tibet as the sequential lineage {ringbrgyud) of Vibhuticandra.35

During this period of study in the Kathmandu valley, Vibhuticandra concentrated his attention upon the huge commentary to the Kalacakratantra, the Vimalaprabha of the Sambhala emperor Kalki Pundarika, and became an expert mahapandita in this subject. He had long before composed annotations to the Vimalaprabha. He exerted great effort in the sadahgayoga meditation, and is said to have gained control of the subtle channels and energies, which resulted in exceptional experience and realization.

Vibhuticandra became abbot of the Stham Bihar in Kathmandu, where he taught many subjects.37 There he also established an independent institute for the study of the major works of Abhayakaragupta such as the 35. Taranatha, Rdo 477.

36. Padma gar-dbang, Zab 24a. Vibhuticandra's annotations to the Kalacakra-tantra and the Vimalaprabha were very influential in Tibet. They are frequently cited by Bu-ston Rin-chen grub (1290-1364) in his annotated editions of both texts, where they are referred to as bla ma bi bhu ti tsandra 'i phyag dpe yi rgya dpe, bi bhu ti'i mchan, or simply rgya dpe. See for example, Kalki Yasas, Mchog 101, 118, and 220, and Kalki Pundarika, 'Jig 432, 433, 437, 466, etc. Vibhuticandra's annotations were the primary source for Bu-ston's suggested revised translations, which were themselves then accepted in the last revision of the Tibetan translation made in 1334 by Ma-ti pan-chen Blo-gros rgyal-mtshan (1294-1376) and [[Jo-nang Lo-tsa-ba Blo-gros dpal (1299-1353). This will be discussed in detail in my "The Tibetan Translations of the Kalacakra-tantra and its Great Commentary," which is near completion. Gronbold 1991, 393, briefly discusses Vibhuticandra's opinion about the identification of some Sambhala emperors.

37. This monastery is said to have been established by Dipamkara Atisa (982- 1054), and is often known by the name Tham-bahil, or Vikramasila-Bihar. It is in the Thamel district of modern Kathmandu. The earliest mention I have found in Tibetan literature is in Khro-phu Lo-ts5-ba, Khro Alb. The most extensive discussion of Tham-bahil is in Locke 1985, 404-413. See also Decleer n. d., Macdonald 1987, 114, and Slusser 1982, vol. 1, 87, 297, 360, etc. Important historical information about the bihar, and other names by which it was known, is found in Roerich, trans. 1959, 6-7, and 55-56. A different version of the events leading to the construction of the monastery by Atisa is related by Petech 1984, 42-43. Further information, and a description of the present day temple is provided by Bajracharya 1979. This temple, described as being in N. E. Kathmandu, was visited by Si-tu Pan-chen Choskyi 'byung-gnas in 1723. See Chos-kyi 'byung-gnas, Ta'i 112.

Munimatdlamkaru, the Upadefamanjari, and the Avali Trilogy** His disciples were both Indian and Nepalese, for whom he emphasized intense study and practice of the Kalacakra-tantra.^ His own spiritual efforts resulted in visions of a number of tantric deities, among them Manjusri and Vajrav arahl early in his life, and later Cakrasamvara and Kalacakra. Many extraordinary signs accompanied his bestowal of initiation for these practices.

After some time Vibhuticandra traveled once again to Tibet. He had become extremely fluent in the Tibetan language, and translated many works on both sutrayana and vajrayana into Tibetan.41 His translation work at the temple of 'Bring-mtshams in Gtsang dates from this visit.42 Padma gar-dbang also tells us that it was during this time that 38. Taranatha, Rdo 482: 'phreng ba skor gsum / thub pa dgongs rgyan / man ngag snye ma sogs la 'ang rkang tshugs kyi grwa btsugs /.

These early 12th century works by Abhayakaragupta, as found in the Peking edition of the Tibetan Tripitaka, are as follows:

Thub pa'i dgongs pa'i rgyan (Munimatalamkdra), vol. 101, #5299, 71b.3- 398b.3.

Man ngag gi snye ma shes bya ba rgyud thams cad kyi skyed rdzogs thun mong du bstan pa (Upades'amanjari-ndma-sarvatantrotpannopapannasdmdnya- bhdsya), vol. 87, #5024, 77.4.5-86.2.4.

Dpal 'jam pa'i rdo rje la sogs pa'i mngon par rtogs pa kun las btus pa rdzogs pa'i rnal ' by or gyi phreng ba (Sri-manjuvajrddi-kramabhisamayasamuccaya- nispanna-yogdvali, vol. 87, #5023, 47.5.6-77.4.5.

Rdzogs pa'i rnal 'byor gyi phreng ba (Nispanna-yogavali), vol. 80, #3962, 126.3.4-154.2.8.

Dkyil 'khor gyi cho ga rdo rje phreng ba {Vajrdvali-ndma-mandalopdyikd), vol. 80, #3961, 79.1.1-126.3.4. A somewhat different list of the Avali Trilogy is found in Dpa'-bo, Chos vol. 2, 1497.

39. Bu-ston, Bla 93, records the transmission line of a commentary to the Ndmasahglti in which the lineage is traced from VibhQticandra to a Gotam Sri, from him to Kirticandra, and from him to the Tibetan translator Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan.

40. Taranatha, Rdo 482.
41. Taranatha, Rdo 482, and Padma gar-dbang, Zab 24b.

42. Padma gar-dbang, Zab 24b. See #8-10 in the Appendix. A dharma-conch which had belonged to Vibhuticandra, as well as one which had belonged to his master S5kyas"ri, were kept in one of the monasteries at 'Bring-mtshams until the period of fighting between Ta'i Si-tu Byang-chub rgyal-mtshan (1302-1364) and the Shar-ka-pa rulers at Rgya-rtse, when they were moved to Khar-chen for safe keeping. See the anonymous genealogy of the Shar-ka-pa, Dpal 66.

Vibhuticandra composed the Sdom gsum 'od kyiphreng ba.43 Very little is known of the period, but it is said that he spent time at the monastery of 'Bri-khung gling, where his activities were very influential.44 Then he returned to Nepal.

In Nepal he continued to live and teach at Stham Bihar into his old age. Then the most significant event in his life occurred.45 Once, when [[[Vibhuticandra]]] had become very old, a young yogin with bone loops fixed in his ear lobes appeared. He was briefly entertained, and then shown to a verandah. A junior pandita studying grammar there watched him. When there were several amazing signs, such as no circulation of breath, and his body changing into various colors and shapes, he told the master, pandita [[[Vibhuticandra]]].

The pandita invited him in, and he replied immediately and without hesitation to every question [[[Vibhuticandra]]] mentally asked him.

So he asked, "Who are you?"

"I am the siddha Savaripa," he replied.46 43. Padma gar-dbang, Zab 24b.

44. Taranatha, Rdo 485. Once again, it is strange that the biography of 'Brigung- gling pa, included in Shes-rab 'byung-gnas, Dgongs 96-123, has no mention of Vibhuticandra during these years.

45. Taranatha, Rdo 482: dgung lo'ang mang rab song skabs / rnal 'byor pa gzhon nu snyan la rwa dung bcug pa gcig byung nas / sna len cung zad cig mdz.ad nas grang khang zhig tu bskyal/der sgra slob pa'i pan chung cig gis bltas pas / rlung mi rgyu ba dang lus kyi mdog dbyibs sna tshogs su 'gyur ba sogs ngo mtshar ba 'i rtags 'ga' re 'dug nas / bla ma pandi ta la zhus pas pandi tas kyang de spyan drangs te yid kyis bri [sic!) ba byas tshad la thogs med du Ian [483] shar shar byung / nyid su yin zhus pas / grub (hob sha ba ri pa yin gsung / mchog tu dgyes shing gus nas rjes su gz.ung bar zhus pas sbyor drug gsungs / yi ger bkod pa da Ita'i gzhung chung 'di yin / spyir zab mo'i gdams pa mtha' yas pas tshims par mdzad cing rgyud byin gyis brlabs / z.hag nyi shu rtsa gcig tsam dngos su bzhugs par yang grags / de nas gang du bzhud zhus pas / 'di nas o rgyan du 'gro / skal Idan 'ga'i don byed / de nas dpal gyi ri la ka 'gro gsung ste mi snang bar gyur / der slob dpon bi bhu ti tsandra ni byin rlabs kyi stobs kyis nyams rtogs mthar phyin pa skad cig la brnyes / 'dz.in pa'i yon tan mthar thug pa'i rtags thob A

Taranatha, Rdo 477, states this episode occured at Stham bi-ha-ra in Nepal, as does Padma gar-dbang, Zab 24b, who specifies that it was in Kathmandu. Padma gar-dbang, Zab 24b-26a, gives a considerably more detailed account of the event.

46. The mahasiddha Savaripa was one of the eighty-four archetypal tantric adepts of ancient India. It is said that he gained liberation on the basis of the mystical songs (doha) of mahasiddha Saraha. The sadahgayoga instructions

which he bestowed upon Vibhuticandra were also based upon those songs. Taranatha, Rdo 707.5-6. According to Taranatha, Rdo 459, Saraha himself based his spiritual practice in the sadahgayoga discipline, and the technical terms specific to that tradition are found throughout his Dohdkosa. Since it is not well known, I will summarize the biographical sketch of Savaripa given by Padma gar-dbang, Zab 21b-23b, according to the sadahgayoga tradition:

Savaripa was born into a family of low caste troubadours in southern India. His father was named Loka and his mother Guna. He had two sisters. On one occasion they went to seek food on a mountain in Bengal where the master Nagarjunagarbha (Klu-grub snying-po) was meditating. The master, who had no qualms about low caste people, called them inside and gave them much food. Savaripa pointed to an icon of the bodhisattva Matiratna (Blo-gros rin-chen), and asked, "Who is this?"

The master replied, "This is the divine youth Matiratna, the bodhisattva who is my master Saraha's master, and who resides in the thirty-third heaven teaching the profound dharma of secret mantra. He cannot be seen by ordinary people."

Savaripa prayed over and over to the master to be given the eyes with which to see Matiratna. The master realized that Savaripa was an extraordinary being, and immediately bestowed upon him the initiation of Cakrasamvara in a mandala of meditative concentration, and also gave him the complete instructions of the tantra and the esoteric teachings. While practicing the instructions, Savaripa continued to make his living by begging and dancing, until his mental stream was purified and he beheld the bodhisattva Matiratna. At that instant Matiratna transformed into the great brahmin Saraha, and sang for Savaripa the dohd of the quintessential meaning of ultimate reality. Realizing the profound nature of reality through the actualization of mahamudra, Savaripa sang Saraha's song in return as an offering. Matiratna then asked, "Do you understand the meaning?"

Savaripa replied, "I don't understand." Matiratna revealed the true meaning, blessing Savaripa's mental stream, and his realization was perfected. Then Matiratna gave a prophecy to Savaripa: "Listen well, and keep this in mind. You are to be known as Savaripa, the Hunter from the South. Now you must not stay here, but dress as a hunter and go south into the mountains, such as Sri Parvata, and benefit those who have superior faculties."

The great hermit, together with his sisters, did as he was told, and achieved the sublime attainment of mahamudra. He wandered in all directions, carrying the bow and arrows of skillful means and knowledge which slay the three poisons. He shot and killed the birds of passion, the snakes of hatred, and the pigs of ignorance, and in a state of non-duality devoured their flesh, and tasted the flavor of the fruit of the blissful, sublime and immutable pristine awareness of mahdmudra. Having received the ultimate

Overjoyed and devoted, Vibhuticandra asked to be accepted as a follower, and [[[Savaripa]]] spoke the sadahgayoga. [[[Vibhuticandra]]] recorded it in writing, which is this small extant text.

In general [[[Savaripa]]] satisfied him with infinite profound oral instructions, and blessed his stream of mind. It is also known that he actually stayed for about twenty-one days.

Then [[[Vibhuticandra]]] asked, "Where will you go?" "I will go from here to Oddiyana, and benefit a few who are fortunate.48 Then I will go straight to Sri Parvata [Dpal-gyi-ri]," he replied, and disappeared.

At that, due to the force of the blessing, the master Vibhuticandra instantly reached the culmination of experience and realization, and achieved the signs of perfection of the qualities of the branch of dharand.50 Soon thereafter Vibhuticandra decided that the instructions he had received from mahasiddha Savaripa, which have since become known as the direct transmission of Vibhuticandra (bi-bhu-ti'i nye-brgyud), would be of great benefit to many persons in Tibet. First he questioned a number of Tibetan mendicant yogins who were in Kathmandu, and learned that the most renowned meditation master in Tibet was a former disciple of his, the siddha Ko-brag-pa (1170-1249).5I Vibhuticandra sent a initiations and teachings of the tantras directly from Vajradhara, Vajrayogini, and AvalokiteSvara, the immortal siddha Savaripa is said to still wander everywhere in this world to bring benefit to human beings. See also Tatz 1987, especially 703-707, for further information on Maitrigupta and his relationship with his teacher Savaripa.

47. The "small extant text" referred to by Taranatha is the Rnal 'byor yan lag drug pa (Yogasadahga-nama), Peking Tripitaka, vol. 47, #2091, 258.4.2- 258.5.1. Vibhuticandra translated it into Tibetan himself. This is a very important text for the sadahgayoga tradition in general, and the Jo-nang-pa transmission in particular. Another transmission of the sadahgayoga from Savaripa was later received by the Indian master Vanaratna (1384-1468), who taught it extensively in Tibet. See Roerich 1976, 798-805, 821, etc. 48. According to Roerich, trans. 1976, 976, Savaripa stated that he was going to Kashmir.

49. An inscription has been found indicating that Sriparvata was at Nagarjunakonda in Southern India (Hirakawa 1990, 253).

50. Dhdrand ('dzin-pa), is the fourth of the six branches of the sadahgayoga. The signs referred to are signs of exceptional realization which arise from control of the prdna and bindu.

51. Rgyal-ba Ko-brag-pa Bsod-nams rgyal-mtshan's dates are given in Roerich 1976, 726-727, as 1182-1261. Mang-thos Klu-sgrub, Bstan 143, questions this, gives the earlier birth date of 1170, and states that Ko-brag-pa

junior pandita, accompanied by the Tibetan mendicants, to deliver gifts and a letter requesting Ko-brag-pa to come to Nepal for the purpose of requesting the teachings.52

Ko-brag pa received the invitation at Ding-ri glang-'khor, and immediately sent a reply and gifts back with the junior pandita and an escort of many Tibetan mendicants. He felt that if he went to Nepal and alone lived to the age of 80 (1249). The dates given by Mang-thos Klu-sgrub are certainly preferable. Ko-brag-pa's most important disciple was the Bka'- brgyud-pa master Rgyal-ba Yang-dgon-pa Rgyal-mtshan dpal-bzang-po (1213-1258). Just before he died, Ko-brag-pa sent for Yang-dgon-pa, telling him that he would not live beyond that year, which was his eightieth (or eighty-first). This is recorded in Shes-rab mgon, Chos 9a, and also in the anonymous biography of Yang-dgon-pa, Rin 44, which adds that Yang-dgonpa was not able to go to his master because the Mongol army had blocked the roads. Therefore it is certain that Yang-dgon-pa was still alive at the time of Ko-brag-pa's passing, and that the earlier set of dates for him are a better choice. Cf. van der Kuijp 1994, 186.

Ko-brag-pa is known to have mastered most of the meditation practices in Tibet, but is usually connected with the Lam-'bras tradition in the lineage of the lady Ma-gcig Zhwa-ma, and the sadahgayoga tradition of Vibhuticandra. According to Ngor-chen, Lam 116.3.3, Ko-brag-pa meditated upon just the Lam-'bras for twenty-four years in the cave of Ra-sa chu-phug, and gained tremendous results. He wrote many texts about the Lam- 'bras, but only one is now available. This is the Lam 'bras snyan brgyud / lam 'bras bu dang bcas pa 'i gdams ngag, mistakenly identified by the modern publisher as a work of the Sa-skya master Bla-ma dam-pa Bsod-nams rgyal-mtshan (1312-1375). The colophon (589-590) mentions that it was written at the retreat site of Chuphug. The historical texts in this collection of the Zhwa-ma tradition may well prove to have also been written by Ko-brag-pa, with additions in the name list of lineal teachers after his time.

52. See TSranatha, Rdo 483, and especially Padma gar-dbang, Zab 226a-27a, who quotes both Vibhuticandra's letter and Ko-brag-pa's reply.

Shes-rab mgon, Chos 6b-7a, provides the following account of this event in his biography of Ko-brag-pa: de'i dus na bal po nas pan di ta bhi bu ta tsandra / zhes pa 'i mkhas pa gcig grub pa brnyes pa des / chos rje [7a J ba la / bal po na pan di ta nga che / bod na dge bshes khyed che bar 'dug pas / 'dir byon gsung pa 'i yi ge gha dho li dang / ka ra 'i glang po che la sogs nor khyad 'phags kyi rten dang bcas pa byung zhing / bod la phan pa la dgongs nas a po byang chub bya ba 'tshams sbyor byed du bcug te / bod du spyan drangs / glang khor du bsu ba dang / 'bul ba dpag tu med pa mdz.ad / dbang chos mang du gsan / pan chen gyis kyang / chos rje la chos gha re gsan / drang srong srin po ri tshun chad la byon cing / dbus gtsang du 'gro don rgya chen po mdz.ad /.

received the teaching it would not be of much use to others, but if Vibhuticandra would agree to come to Tibet there would be widespread benefit. Vibhuticandra accepted his invitation." Ko-brag-pa provided much assistance and supplies for the trip north to Tibet.54 After four months a messenger arrived with the news that Vibhuticandra was approaching Skyid-grong, near the border with Nepal. Ko-brag-pa sent word in all directions that the master would soon be coming to Ding-ri glang-'khor, and then hurried with offerings to Skyid-grong to welcome him.55 After Vibhuticandra was escorted to Ding-ri, he bestowed the initiation of Kalacakra, the explanation of the tantra and the oral instructions for meditation to a large number of Tibetans who had gathered there.56 In particular, he taught the special sadahgayoga of Savaripa to Ko-brag-pa and six other learned men: Dpyal A-mo-gha, Nyeg-po Chos- Idan, Lho-pa Tshul-gzhon, Mar-ston G.yangs-'bar, G.yung-phug-pa Rgyal-mtshan bde-ba, and Gnyal-ba Mi-mnyam bzang-po.57 While at 53. Gronbold 1982, 340, mistakenly states that Ko-brag-pa invited the master Sakyasri to Tibet.

54. Taranatha, Rdo 483.

55. Padma gar-dbang, Zab 27a-b. In Shes-rab mgon, Chos 6a, it is mentioned that when he was ten years old (1223) Rgyal-ba Yang-dgon-pa, who is referred to as Rin-po-che Lha-gdong-pa'i sprul-pa'i sku, came to receive teachings from Ko-brag-pa. The same information is found in Yang-dgonpa's anonymous biography, Rin 41. This source, on p. 42, states that Yang
-dgon-pa was 21 years old (1233) at the time of his full ordination by Kobrag- pa. Shes-rab mgon, Chos 6b-7a, describes Vibhuticandra's arrival in Tibet not long after the mention of Yang-dgon-pa's ordination by Ko-brag-pa (6a). The reference to the Mongols on 6b, just prior to Vibhuticandra's trip, speaks of Ko-brag-pa's repulsion of a Mongol army (hor gyi dmag z.log pa), which may indicate an earlier event than the famous Mongol incursion of 1240. Cf. van der Kuijp 1994, 186.

56. Padma gar-dbang, Zab 27b.

57. Padma gar-dbang, Zab 27b. Roerich, trans. 1976, 727, and 797, also specifies that Ko-brag pa invited Vibhuticandra to Ding-ri, and there received the sadahgayoga instructions of Savaripa. Dpyal A-mo-gha also wrote a sadahgayoga text on the basis of Vibhflticandra's teachings. See Bu-ston, Bla 89, and Phyogs-las rnam-rgyal, Chos 10a.

There is considerable confusion in the sources about who received these teachings from Vibhuticandra. Taranatha, Rdo 484.2, states that there were many who received the sadahgayoga from Vibhuticandra, and in particular there were nine disciples who later upheld the lineage of the direct transmission (nye-brgyud).

Ding-ri glang-'khor Vibhuticandra and the Tibetan translator Mi-mnyam bzang-po translated the sadahgayoga of Anupamaraksita, and several other Sanskrit works.58 During this period Vibhuticandra lived at the Mkhan-pa charnel ground (Mkhan-pa dur-khrod) west of Ding-ri glang- 'khor. This was Ko-brag-pa's place, and had been the principal residence of the Indian master Pha-dam-pa Sangs-rgyas in the 11th century, and the site of his famous meeting with Rje-btsun Mi-la ras-pa (1040?- 1123?).59

After teaching the Kalacakra three times at Ding-ri glang-'khor, Vibhuticandra fell seriously ill. He was cured by Ko-brag-pa, who utilized both techniques for removing impediments (gegs-sel) in yoga, and medicinal treatments.60 Vibhuticandra was very grateful, and requested Bu-ston, Bla, 89 lists Dpyal A-mo-gha, Lho-pa Tshul-gzhon, and Mar-ston G.yang-'bar after Vibhuticandra in several lineages of Savaripa's sadahgayoga. Bu-ston, Bla, 60, lists Ko-brag-pa after Vibhuticandra in both the lineages of the ring-brgyud of Anupamaraksita and the nye-brgyud of Savaripa. Ko-brag-pa then passed these lineages on to Gro-lung-pa Gzhon-nu-dpal.

Roerich, trans. 1976, 797, says that the instructions were given to Ko-bragpa, Dpyal A-mo-gha, G.yung-phug-pa, Nyeg-po Chos-ldan, and Mar-ston G.yang-'bar. Taranatha, Rdo 478.5-6, only mentions Mar-ston G.yang-'bar, Lho-pa Gzhon-tshul, Nyeg-po Chos-ldan, and Dpyal-ston Padma-can as actual disciples of Vibhuticandra.

Dpa'-bo, Chos vol. 1, 523, states that the Jo-nang-pa sadahgayoga transmission of these teachings passed through Dpyal A-mo-gha, but Dol-po-pa, Bla ma nye, 770, has Mar-ston G.yang-'bar, as well as, on 771, Dpyal-ston Amo- gha.

58. Padma gar-dbang, Zab 27b. See #11-17 in the Appendix. 59. See Zhi byed snga bar phyi gsum gyi skor, vol. 4 (Thimphu: Kunsang Tobgey, 1979) 351-352, and Rang 'byung rdo rje's Rnal 'byor gyi dbang phyug mi la bzJiadpa rdo rje'i gsung mgur mdzod nag ma, vol. 1 (Dalhousie:

60. Padma gar-dbang, Zab 27b-28a. Ko-brag-pa is most well known in the Lam-'bras literature for his expertise in the techniques for removal of impediments (gegs-sel) during the practice of yoga. He is also said to have gained incredible realization on the basis of his practice of the Lam-'bras, and the sadahgayoga which he received from Vibhuticandra, and is known to have written texts combining these two systems of tantric practice. In addition to the traditional techniques for removal of impediments according to the Lam- 'bras teachings, he wrote many texts about previously unknown techniques which were revealed to him when he directly perceived the network of energy pathways in the vajra body during meditation. The most famous of his works is the Gegs sel ha dmigs rgya mtsho. He also authored a text on the eliminaSTEARNS

from Ko-brag-pa many initiations, textual transmissions, and oral instructions of the Lam-'bras teachings, of which Ko-brag-pa was an acknowledged master.61 This is one of the few instances in which an Indian master is known to have received extensive tantric teachings from a Tibetan.

Vibhuticandra stayed in Tibet for three years, two of which were spent in Ding-ri glang-'khor. During this period, and most probably while Vibhuticandra was still in Ding-ri, the 'Brug-pa Bka'-brgyud master Rgod-tshang-pa Mgon-po rdo-rje (1189-1258) also came to receive teachings from him.62 Vibhuticandra also traveled again to Srin-po-ri in Central Tibet, and probably made the extant translations done at Srin-potion of illnesses and demonic influences inad gdon dbyung ba'i man ngag). The most extensive discussion of his Lam- 'bras connections is Ngor-chen Kun-dga' bzang-po, Lam 116.

61. Padma gar-dbang, Zab 28a. Shes-rab mgon, Chos 7a, also verifies that Vibhuticandra received some teachings from Ko-brag-pa. See note 52 above for the full Tibetan text.

62. Taranatha, Rdo 484.2-4. Taranatha states that Rgod-tshang-pa requested teachings on the short outer, inner, and secret bla-sgrub texts, and even wrote annotations and a topical outline for them. He mentions that this is clear if one consults the written works of Rgod-tshang-pa, but that there is no mention of their meeting in his hagiography because his disciples kept it secret. Despite a careful search of all the texts related to practices such as guruyoga in The Collected Works of Rgod-tshang-pa, I have been unable to locate any collaborating evidence of contact between Vibhuticandra and Rgod-tshang-pa.

The three texts referred to are, according to the titles in the Peking edition of the Tibetan Tripitaka, vol. 87: Bla ma sgrub pa'i rgya gzhung phyi sgrub tillo pas mdzad pa, #5014, 14.1.3-14.2.3, Bla ma sgrub-pa'i rgya gzhung nang sgrub na ro pas mdzad pa, #5016, 14.4.2-15.2.7, and Bla ma gsang sgrub klu grub gyis mdzad pa, #5017, 15.2.7-16.2.6. All three texts were translated into Tibetan by Vibhuticandra. The gsangsgrub text was translated at the monastery of Ding-ri, and the phyi-sgrub text at the charnel ground of Mkhan-pa (Mkhan-pa'i dur-khrod). The nang-sgrub was no doubt translated at the same time as the two other related texts. These texts are also found in the Gdams ngag mdz.od, vol. 7 (Delhi: N. Lungtok and N. Gyaltsan, 1972) 97- 107.

Following the phyi-sgrub text is another small text composed by VibhOticandra himself: Phyi sgrub kyis rten 'brel pan chen bhi bu ti tsantras mdzad pa, #5015, 14.2.3-14.4.2. Taranatha, Khrid 352, in his supplement to the history of the Jo nang khrid brgya of his predecessor Kun-dga' grolmchog (1507-1566), refers to this text by Vibhuticandra as the essential basis for the bla-sgrub practices of the 'Brug-pa Bka'-brgyud tradition: gdams ngag ngo bo ni/bi bhu ti tsandra'i gzhung gi rjes su 'brangs so.

ri during this visit.63 Rgwa-lo Rnam-rgyal rdo-rje (1203-1282) also invited Vibhuticandra to Rong Dben-dmar in Gstang, as well as Kyog-po monastery and Sham-bhar, and requested all the initiations and instructions of the Kalacakra.64 Finally, Vibhuticandra was invited by the famous teacher Kun-mkhyen Chos-sku 'od-zer (1214-1292) to Gsersdings in the upper Nyang valley of Gtsang. He bestowed upon Chos-sku 'od-zer many initiations, such as Kalacakra and Cakrasamvara, and many teachings such as the Avali Trilogy of Abhayakaragupata., and especially the sadahgayoga received directly from Savaripa.65 As will be emphasized below, it is very significant that Vibhuticandra also taught the Sdom gsum 'od kyi phreng ba to Chos-sku 'od-zer.66 At this time Rgyus-pa Bzhon-seng and Zhang-sgom Rin-chen seng requested many instructions from Vibhuticandra, such as the Ye shes spyan sgrub (Jhanacaksusadhana).

After three years in Tibet, Vibhuticandra returned to Nepal, and lived for many more years. Taranatha states that he achieved the siddhi of indivisibility, and the realization of the total integration of bliss and emptiness through his perfection of dharand, the fourth branch of the sadahgayoga. As a result he is said to have left no body at death.6® 63. Taranatha, Rdo 484. Shes-rab mgon, Chos 7a. Padma gar-dbang, Zab 28a. See #18-19 in the Appendix.

64. Padma gar-dbang, Zab, 28a. Stag-tshang Lo-tsa-ba, Shes-rab rin-chen (b. 1405), Dpal 57-60, provides the most detail about Rgwa-lo, and mentions that Vibhuticandra was one of his teachers. See also Roerich, trans. 1976, 790.

65. Padma gar-dbang, Zab, 28a, 34b. The biography of Kun-mkhyen Chossku 'od-zer given in this text, 28b-39b, is the most extensive available discussion of his life. Bu-ston, Bla, also places Chos-sku 'od-zer after Vibhuticandra in one lineage of the sadahgayoga transmitted by Savaripa. See note 38 above for the identification of the Avali Trilogy of Abhayakaragupta. 66. Padma gar-dbang, Zab 35a.

67. Padma gar-dbang, Zab 28b. In Bu-ston, Bla 89, Zhang-sgom Rin-chen seng-ge is listed after Vibhuticandra in the transmission lines for both the Ye shes spyan sgrub and the Nyi zla sgrub pa. Zhang-sgom is listed as Bla-ma Zhang Ratnasimha in the transmission line the colophon of the Bla ma gsang sgrub. See #16 in the Appendix.

Roerich, trans. 1976, 671, mentions a Bka'-brgyud-pa master named Bzhonnu seng-ge (1200-1266) who may be our Rgyus Bzhon-seng. Bu-ston, Bla 90, lists Rgyus Gzhon-seng after Vibhuticandra in the lineage of the Gsung rab rin chen 'dus pa, and on 92, lists him after Sa-skya Pandi-ta in the lineages of several different sadahgayoga practices.

68. Taranatha, Rdo 484.

THE LEGACY

The legacy of Vibhuticandra has come down to the present day in the form of texts which he authored and translated into Tibetan, and in the practice of the sadahgayoga directly transmitted to him by mahasiddha Savaripa. In the following centuries, it was these teachings of the sadahgayoga which were regarded in Tibet as the most significant spiritual legacy of Vibhuticandra. From among the other texts which he authored and/or translated, the Sdom gsum 'od kyi phreng ba is the one text which has received the most attention from critics.

Vibhuticandra is the author of at least eight texts found in the Peking edition of the Tibetan Bstan-'gyur. Six of those eight he translated into Tibetan by himself or with a Tibetan translator, as well as at least another twenty-five works written by other Indian teachers. All but four of these are tantric texts.69 He translated works in Tibet at the ancient royal palace in Pu-hrang, at 'Bring-mtshams in Gtsang, at Ding-ri glang-'khor near the border with Nepal, and at Srin-po-ri in Dbus. Others he translated at Stham Bihar in Kathmandu, Nepal.

The Rnal 'byor yan lag drug pa (Yogasadanga)

The Rnal 'byor yan lag drug pa (Yogasadanga) spoken by mahasiddha Savaripa to Vibhuticandra at Stham Bihar in Kathmandu is the most important core text (mula, rtsa-ba) for the direct transmission (nyebrgyud) of the sadahgayoga perfection stage practices of the Kalacakratantra as practiced in Tibet.70 The very succinct verse definitions of each of the six branches of the practice found in this short work are quoted as authoritative speech in virtually every sadahgayoga instruction text written in Tibet. The special importance of this transmission for the Jonang- pa tradition is underscored by the fact that Kun-spangs Thugs-rje brtson-grus (1243-1313), the founder of Jo-nang monastery, wrote the only known commentary to it.

69. A complete list of these texts is found in the Appendix. 70. See #17 in the Appendix. The most important core text for the sequential transmission (ring-brgyud) of the sadahgayoga in Tibet is the Sbyor ba yan lag drug gi man ngag rje dus 'khor zhabs kyi mdzad pa'i snyan rgyud z.hal gyi gdams pa (Arya-kdlacakrapada-sampradaya-nama-sadahgayogopadeia) of •Kalacakrapada (Dus-'khor zhabs), translated in the 11th century by the Kashmiri pandita Somanatha and the Tibetan lo-tsd-ba 'Bro Shes-rab grags.
Peking, vol. 47: 245.5.8.-247.1.3.

71. Kun-spangs-pa was responsible for first gathering together all the extant lineages of the sadahgayoga in Tibet, and then furthering their propagation.

Kun-spangs-pa wrote a number of important texts on the sadahgayoga, although only one seems to have survived to the present day.72 This is the earliest available Tibetan work on the sadahgayoga, the Dpal dus kyi 'khor lo 'i rnal 'byor yan lag drug gi 'grel pa snying po bsdus pa, written by one Dpal Mi-bskyod rdo-rje, a yogin of the Kalacakra, who is identified as the siddha Yu-mo-ba in an editorial note at the end of the text.73 This is, of course, a false attribution. The Snying po bsdus pa is a commentary upon the sadahgayoga revealed by Savaripa to Vibhuticandra.

As discussed above, Vibhuticandra came to Tibet as a young man in 1204, whereas the Tibetan Kalacakra master Yu-mo-ba Mi-bskyod rdorje was born in the first cycle of the Tibetan system of reckoning dates, which began in 1027.74 In fact, Thugs-rje brtson-'grus is only one of the many names of the founder of Jo-nang. He was also known as Kunspangs Chos-rje, Zhang Thugs-rje brtson-'grus, Kun-tu bzang-po, and Dpal Mi-bskyod rdo-rje.

He occupies a central position in the transmission lines of these teachings as received by both Bu-ston Rin-chen grub and Dol-po-pa Shes rab-rgyal mtshan. Kun-spangs-pa received and practiced seventeen different lineages of the sadahgayoga, and then synthesized them. Taranatha, Rdo 476-478, gives a clear and succinct sketch of these seventeen lineages, many of which are associated with the different Tibetan translators of the Kalacakratantra and Vimalaprabha. In his treatment of the history of the sadahgayoga in Tibet, 'Jam-mgon Kong-sprul (1813-1899), Theg vol. 1, 549-551, simply copies verbatim Taranatha's entire discussion.

72. See Bu-ston, Bla, 92 for a list of Kalacakra texts by Kun-spangs-pa, but without clear titles.

73. Dpal Mi-bskyod rdo-rje, Dpal 24. What may be another copy of this commentary is preserved in the library of the Cultural Palace of Nationalities, Beijing, under the title Dpal sha ba ripa'i gzung chung /gzhung chung de'i 'grel pa kun spangs thugs rje rtson 'grus gyis mdzod, in six folios.
See van der Kuijp 1994, 193, note 40.
74. Ngag-dbang blo-gros grags-pa, Dpal 18.

75. Ngor-chen Kun-dga' bzang-po, Lam 117.4.2, gives both the names Kun-tu bzang-po and Dpal Mi-bskyod rdo-rje. Jo-nang Phyogs-las rnam-rgyal (1306- 1386) notes that Byang-sems Rgyal-ba ye-shes (1257-1320) received this commentary on the sadahgayoga of Savaripa from Kun-spangs-pa himself.

See Phyogs-las rnam-rgyal, Chos 9a, where it is referred to as sha ba ri pa 'i gzhung 'grel. Mkhas-btsun Yon-tan rgya-mtsho also received this text from Kun-spangs-pa himself. See Dol-po-pa, Bla ma yon 304.

Kun-spangs-pa is clearly stated to be the author of the commentary in Jonang Kun-dga' grol-mchog's biography of Pan-chen Shakya mchog-ldan (1428-1507), and in the biography of the 16th century Jo-nang throne-holder

Kun-spangs-pa's Snying po bsdus pa is significant for several reasons. First of all, he collected in it the scattered oral instructions (man-ngag kha- 'thor-ba) of the teachings Savaripa bestowed upon Vibhuticandra.76 Special instructions from Kun-spangs-pa's work can later be seen in the sadahgayoga instruction manual of Jo-nang Taranatha, especially the teachings of the first branch of pratyaham (so-sor sdud-pa/gcod-pa), where the oral instructions of mahapandita Vibhuticandra are presented on the basis of the explanations in the Snying po bsdus pa, although not identified as drawn from that source.77 Kun-spangs-pa's text is also important as the earliest available Tibetan work concerning the Kalacakra, and specifically as the only commentary on the teachings of the sadahgayoga as passed down in the direct transmission of Vibhuticandra (bibhu- ti'i nye-brgyud).18

Sgo-rum Kun-dga' legs-pa (1477-1544), written by the Sa-skya master 'Jamdbyangs mkhyen-brtse'i dbang-phyug (1524-1568). Kun-dga' grol-mchog, Pandi, 53: sha wa ri'i rdo rje'i gzhung chung/..rdo rje gzhung chung gi 'grel pa thog mtha' bar dge rnams kun spang kun tu bzang pos mdzad pa dang /. 'Jam-dbyangs mkhyen-brtse'i dbang-phyug, Rje, 278: sbyor drug gi gzhung shwa ba ris mdzad pa / de'i man ngag jo nang kun spangs chen pos mdzad pal.

76. Dpal Mi-bskyod rdo-rje, Dpal 24. 77. Taranatha, Zab 369-370.

78. The oldest available Tibetan treatise concerning the sequential transmission (ring-brgyud) of the sadahgayoga is the Dus kyi 'khor lo'i gegs sel mig gi sgron me, by Kun-spangs-pa's disciple La-stod Dbang-rgyal, who was also known as Gnyos Dbang-rgyal. This text has survived unnoticed among the numerous volumes of the collected works of Bo-dong Pan-chen Phyogs-las rnam-rgyal (1376-1451). See La-stod Dbang-rgyal, Dus. It is an instruction manual dealing with the last four branches of the sadahgayoga, and focusing upon methods for the removal of impediments (gegs-sel) which may arise during the advanced practice of those yogas.

The most detailed treatment of La-stod dbang-rgyal's views, especially in connection with the sadahgayoga and the Lam- 'bras teachings, is found in Kun-dga' bzang-po, Lam, 117.2.4-117.4.1. Here it is made clear that his synthesis of these two systems was soundly rejected by the Sa-skya-pa lineage holders of the Lam- 'bras. In particular, his view is said to have been exactly the same as that of the Chinese master Ha-shang (rgya-nag mkhan-po hashang), whose view had been refuted centuries before in Tibet by the Indian pandita Kamalaslla. This is particularly interesting since it is known that Lastod Dbang-rgyal's teacher, Kun-spangs-pa, actually transmitted the teachings of the notorious Chinese monk. Kun-spangs-pa taught the Chinese Ha-shang's esoteric instructions to 'Phags-'od Yon-tan rgya-mtsho (b. 1268), the teacher

The Sdom gsum 'od kyi phreng ba (Trisamvaraprabhamala)

This work is concerned with the three most important vows which may be taken by a Buddhist: those of the pratimoksa, the bodhisattva, and the vidhyadhara.19 This is an area of exegesis in which scholars of the Saskya school have long excelled, beginning with the Rtsa hung 'khrul spong of Rje-bstun Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan, dealing with the nature of the sacred commitments inherent in vajrayana Buddhist practice, and the renowned Sdom gsum rab dbye of his nephew Sa-skya Pandita, dealing in depth with all three vows. Both of these have been, to say the least, controversial works.80 In addition, the master of 'Bri-gung, Jig-rten mgonpo, and his nephew Shes-rab 'byung-gnas (1187-1241), wrote very influential works, known collectively as the Dgongs gcig yig cha, some of which touch on these same subjects, often at odds with the interpretations of the Sa-skya-pa.81

As mentioned above, Vibhuticandra had contacts with the 'Bri-gung tradition before he visited Sa-skya in 1209, and later was very active at 'Bri-gung monastery during his second trip to Tibet. Padma gar-dbang specifies that Vibhuticandra wrote the Sdom gsum 'od kyi phreng ba at this time.82 The earliest mention of the Sdom gsum 'od kyi phreng ba is by the scholar Bcom-ldan Rig-pa'i ral-gri (C.1235-C.1315?). In his catalogue of works translated into Tibetan, which was most probably written before 1283, he specifically lists the text as a work composed by of Bu-ston, who should not be confused with Mkhas-btsun Yon-tan rgyamtsho (1260-1327), the teacher of Dol-po-pa. See A-mes-zhabs Ngag-dbang kun-dga' bsod-nams (1597-1659), Dpal 133: rgya'i ha shang gi man ngag gi skor rnams gnang ngo /.

Some of the texts of the Chinese Ha-shang were still preserved at Jo-nang in the time of Taranatha, who mentions that he had read the Mdo sde brgyad bcu khungs of Ha-shang, and felt that the absolute denigration of Ha-shang's teachings in Tibet were based on ignorance of their actual content, and were judgments based upon isolated quotations taken out of context. See Ta" ranatha, Dge 542-544.

79. See #31 in the Appendix. Peking, vol. 81, #4549, 214.3.4-215.4.1. Derge, #3727, vol. TSHU, 54b.2-56b.7. Cone microfiche edition, vol. TSHU, 54b. 1- 56b.7. Another version is found in Go-ram-pa Bsod-nams seng-ge, Sdom, written in 1461. The entire text is quoted on 228.1.1-229.3.4, and followed by Go-ram-pa's refutation.

80. See Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan, Rtsa, and Sa-skya Pandi-ta, Sdom. 81. Most of these 'Bri-gung works were apparently written down in about 1226.

82. Padma gar-dbang, Zab 24b.

Vibhuticandra.83 From this information it can be seen that before the turn of the 14th century the text was accepted as an authentic work composed by Vibhuticandra.

On the other hand, while Jo-nang Taranatha also stated that the text of the Sdom gsum 'od kyi phreng ba first appeared after Vibhuticandra's second visit to Tibet, he believed it to be a forgery:

After that [trip to 'Bri-gung], the short text called Sdom gsum 'od 'phreng, in which there are refutations of the philosophical position of the Rtsa hung 'khrul spong of the great Rje-btsun, was composed, perhaps by a scholar of Srin-po-ri, it is said, or perhaps by a partisan of the 'Bri-khung-pa, it is also said, and with the attribution "composed by Vibhuticandra." It also does contain the philosophical position held by Vibhuticandra.

Later followers of the Sa-skya-pa had no experience in regard to Tibetan compositions and Indian compositions, and when they saw those refutations, they were deeply offended. Since the text of the 'Od- 'phreng has clear and obvious signs of being a Tibetan composition, it was definitely not composed by Vibhuticandra.

There is no need to be that angry at him. It is the same, for example, as Vajradhara not being at fault even though there is wrong view and conduct in a false tantra.

Henceforth, if there are [points] in the tradition of the Sdom gsum 'od 'pheng which can be refuted with scripture and reasoning, cite them! To have deep animosity just about a prostration not offered to Rje-btsun Grags-rgyal, and a refutation, is merely narrow-minded and not the conduct of a scholar. So if you hope to be a scholar, it would be preferable if you acted in a manner fit for a scholar.84

83. Bcom-ldan Rig-pa'i ral-gri, Bstan pa rgyas pa rgyan gyi me tog, 32b: pandi ta bhi bu ris rang gis byas pa spyod 'jug gi 'brel pa dang / bsdom gsum 'od gyi phreng ba dang / nang gi snye ma a nu pa ma 'i sbyor drug gi bzhung dang / rmi lam rtag pa dang / mgon po'i sgrub thabs dang / 'jams pa'i rdo rje'i mchod pa dang /phyogs kyi glang po'i dzad 'brel lags pa bsgyur/. I am grateful to Prof. Leonard van der Kuijp, Harvard University, for this reference.

84. Taranatha, Rdo, 485: de rjes srin po ri pa'i dge bshes cig yin nam yang zer / 'bri khung pa 'i phyogs 'dzin cig yin nam yang zer te / rje btsun chen po 'i rtsa Itung 'khrul spong gi grub mtha' la dgag pa yod pa'i sdom gsum 'od 'pheng zer ba'i gzhung chung de brtsams nas / bi bhu ti candras mdzad do zhes kha 'phangs byas 'dug / grub mtha' bi bhu ti'i bzhed pa ni yin yod par yang gda' / phyis kyi sa skya pa rnams bod rtsom dang rgya rtsom gyi nyams ni med / dgag pa de mthong bas snying na ba yin te / 'od 'phreng gi gzhung de bod rtsom sang sang sngon rtags can yin pas / bi bhu tis ma mdzad par nges / khong la tshig pa de tsam za mi dgos / dper na rgyud brdzus ma gcig gi

These comments raise a number of interesting points. To begin with, Taranatha informs us that the Sdom gsum 'od kyiphreng ba refutes positions laid forth in the Rtsa Itung 'khrul spong of Rje-btsun Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan, which the Sa-skya tradition to this day considers the definitive text on the nature of the fourteen fundamental sacred commitments (samaya, dam-tshig) of the vajrayana, following the tradition of the Indian mahdsiddha Virupa.85 This opinion is shared by the important Sa-skya scholar Go-ram-pa Bsod-nams seng-ge (1429-1489), who repeatedly mentions the specific points in the 'Khrul-spong which he feels have been attacked in the brief verses of the Sdom gsum 'od kyi phreng ba, and then proceeds to strongly refute those attacks.86 However, the Bka'-brgyud-pa historian Dpa'-bo Gtsug-lag 'pheng-ba (1503/ 4-1566) states that Vibhuticandra wrote his text after seeing Sa-skya Pandita's explanation in the Sdom gsum rab dbye that the three vows are transmutable (gnas-'gyur).^ Another early commentator upon the Sdom gsum rab dbye, Kun-mkhyen Dga'-gdong-pa, identified the specific use of the examples of sun, moon, and stars by Vibhuticandra to be a refutation of the position that the three vows possess a single essence (ngo-bo nang na / Ita spyod log pa 'dug kyang / de rdo rje 'chang la khag med pa dang 'dra / lar sdom gsum 'od 'phreng gi lugs de la'ang lung rig gis gnod byed yod na khyogs shog / rje brtsun grags rgyal la phyag ma phul ba dang / dgag pa byas pa tsam la snying 'kham [486] pa ni gu dog tsam yin gyi / mkhas pa 'i by a ba ma yin no / des na mkhas pa yin du re na mkhas pa la 'os pa zhig byas na dga' 'o /.

85. The Rtsa hung 'khrul spong was later the object of a refutation by Tsongkha- pa, Blo-bzang grags-pa (1357-1419) in his Gsang, which was in turn refuted by the Sa-skya master Gser-mdog Pan-chen Shakya mchog-ldan (1408-1507) in his'ATirw/.

86. See for example, Bsod-nams seng-ge, Sdom 234.4.4-235.2.1, where he quotes the relevant passage from Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan, Rtsa 258.4.3- 258.4.6, on the issue of gnas- 'gyur and ngo-bo-gcig, which is refuted in the 'Od phreng.

87. Dpa'-bo, Chos vol. 1, 524: phyis sa pan gyi sdom gsum rab dbye brtsams nas sdom gsum gnas 'gyur du gzigs nas / deng sang bstan pa'i zabs 'di ru. sdom pa gsum gyi rnam gzhag la / mkhas pa 'i rgyu skar 'ga' zhig gis / phyogs re 'i cha tsam rtogs gyur mod. sogs nas / bdag bio nyi ma 'i dkyil 'khor gyis / phyogs las rgyal bar byas te 'god/ ces dang / gsum Idan gsungs pa'i dgongs pa ni / zhes sogs kyi sdom gsum 'od phreng brtsams / I have not located any reference to this in Sa-skya Pandi-ta's Sdom gsum rab dbye.

gcig), which had been stated in the Rtsa Itung 'khrul spong of Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan.88

The Bka' brgyud master Karma 'phrin-las-pa (1456-1539) would later remark, "Since there have been very many statements in Tibet about the three vows being identical in essence or different, I will not elaborate upon it here."89 Although many of the issues being dealt with in these texts are exceedingly complex, it seems appropriate to at least briefly outline the positions of Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan and Vibhuticandra in regard to the question of the identical or different nature (ngo bo gcig dang tha dad) of the three vows, and whether they are transmutable {gnas- 'gyur). It was perhaps these two points which provoked the strongest reactions from many critics of Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan's work.90 Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan defines the nature of the pratimoksa vow as renunciation of everything which is harmful to others. In addition to that, the bodhisattva vow is the commitment to benefit others. The vidyadhara vow is to carry out the former vows while sustaining the pristine awareness of oneself as a deity. There is thus no contradiction between the three vows.91 When a person who has taken full ordination 88. See Bsod-nams seng-be, Sdom 233.2.5-6: sdom gsum rab dbye'i 'grel byed kha cig (Dga') na re / da ni 'di dpyad par by a ste / kha cig sdom pa gsum po rje btsun chen pos rtsa Itung 'khrul spong du ngo bo gcig du gsungs pa / pandi ta bi bhu ti candras sdom gsum 'od kyis phreng bar nyi zla skar gsum gyi dpes ngo bo gcig pa bkag nas rdzas tha dad du bzhad zer ro /.

The commentary by Kun-mkhyen Dga'-gdong-pa is not presently available, but is mentioned in the autobiography of Jo-nang Kun-dga' grol-mchog (1507-1566) as one of the four great authentic commentaries (tshad-thub 'grel-chen bzhi). See Kun-dga' grol-mchog, Zhen 361.3.

The examples of the sun, moon, and stars are found in the 'Od pheng, Peking edition, 215.1.4-5. The section of the Rtsa Itung 'khrul spong which is being refuted with the use of those examples is the same passage cited in note 86 above.

89. Karma 'phrin-las-pa, Dri Ian padma, 101: sdom gsum ngo bo gcig dang tha dad ces bod na lab brjod shin tu mang bas 'dir ma spros // 90. For example, Bu-ston rin-chen grub later said that the statement "the three vows are transmutable and have a single essence" was a perverse Tibetan invention, for which there were no believable scriptural sources. See Bu-ston, Gtsang 256: sdom pa gsum gnas gyur ngo bo gcig ces pa bod kyi ngan rtog yin /yid ches thub pa'i lung khungs med// And according to Karma 'phrinlas- pa, Dri Ian drang 124, Karma pa VII Chos-grags rgya-mtsho (1454-1506) held the opinion that the idea of the vows being transmutable contradicted the idea of their single essence.
91. Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan, Rtsa, 258.4.

according to the pratimoksa becomes motivated to attain Buddhahood for the benefit of all sentient beings, all the pratimoksa vows become bodhisattva vows. When that same person enters into a mandala to receive tantric initiation, all the vows are then referred to as vidyadhara vows.92 Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan used a series of examples drawn from scripture to illustrate his position. In the scriptural quotation it is pointed out that when some varieties of stone are smelted, they yield iron, copper, and silver. But a single gold-transforming tincture can transmute them all into gold. Likewise, the different vows determined by specific attitudes are all referred to as vidyadhara if one enters into a great mandala.

Finally, Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan notes that the example of the stone obviously designates ordinary persons, while the iron is the srdvaka discipline, the copper is the pratyekabuddha discipline, the silver is the discipline of the bodhisattva, and the gold-transmuting tinture is the discipline of the vidyadhara.9i In the view of later Sa-skya-pa commentators, such as Go-ram-pa, Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan's intention was to show that the lower vows are sequentially transformed into the higher ones as those vows are later taken. When one is thus endowed with all three vows, they may be said to have a single essence.

In regard to the nature of the vows, the following lines are often quoted from the Sdom gsum 'od kyi phreng ba, where they are found soon after Vibhuticandra's refutation of Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan's interpretation of the scriptural quotation summarized in the previous paragraph: Therefore, when one endowed with the pratimoksa takes the [[[bodhisattva vow]]] of the mind of sublime enlightenment, the former resides in the dlaya in a dormant fashion.

When the vidhyddhara vow is received, both the lower ones become dormant.

For example, while the stars shining in the sky provide some light, when the orb of the moon shines the starlight becomes dim, but the world is bright.

When the hot rays of the sun appear, the moonlight becomes dim, but the world is bright.

92. Ibid.

93. Ibid. The scripture which is quoted is identified as the Rgyud 'bum pa'i lung de kho na nyid ye shes grub pa. 94. Bsod-nams seng-ge, Sdom 235.2.

95. Bi-bhu-ti-tsandra, Sdom 215.1: des na so sor thar Idan pas / byang chub mchog gi sems blangs na / dang po de ni kun gzhi la / bag la nyal ba'i tshul

Here Vibhuticandra clearly disagrees with Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan's assertion that the former vows transform into the latter vows. Instead, he states that they all remain individual, although the latter ones may seem to dominate the former. While agreeing with Vibhuticandra, the Sde-srid Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho (1653-1705) would later give another example to illustrate the same point. If water, beer, and milk are mixed together in the same vessel, the smell of the beer and the color of the milk will dominate, but this does not prove that the water is gone.

According to the Sde-srid, the Sdom gsum 'od kyi phreng ba also states that the three vows are substantially different (rdzas tha-dad).91 This, of course, contradicts Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan's position that they have a single essence. The following lines illustrate Vibhuticandra's argument.

Therefore, it is not correct that one becomes endowed with the three [[[vows]]] when [receiving] the single vidhyddhara [[[vow]]]. If it were correct, the former two would arise without the necessity of rituals. The Great Sage did not teach a common ritual for the three vows.

Here the Sde-srid comments that the three vows which are present in the mental continuum of an individual are substantially different for a number of reasons. They are different at the point of arising, because the former must be present as the basis for the latter ones. They are different in duration, because the pratimoksa endures as long as one lives, whereas the latter two remain until the attainment of Buddhahood. And they are different in that the former is lost at death, but the latter two are not." As mentioned by Karma 'phrin-las-pa, there were numerous textual discussions in Tibet of these and many other questions raised in Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan and Vibhuticandra's works. Hopefully these same topics will receive detailed scholarly treatment in the future which is not possible in this paper.

du gnas / rig 'dzin sdom pa thob pa na / 'og ma gnyis ka bag la nyal / dper na mkha' la skar ma shar / cung zad snang bar byas gyur mod / zla ba 'i dkyil 'khor shar ba 'i tshe / skar 'od nyams mod 'jig rten gsal / rta bdun tsha zer by wig ba na / zla ba 'i 'od nyams 'jig rten gsal //

96. Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho, Dpal 480.

97. Ibid., 419.

98. Bi-bhu-ti-tsandra, Sdom 215.2: des na rig 'dzin gcig pu la / gsum Idan sbyor ba 'thad ma yin / gal te 'thad na 'og ma gnyis / cho ga mi dgos skye bar 'gyur / sdom gsum cho ga thun mong du / thub pa chen pos gsungs pa med // 99. Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho, Dpal 479.

The next issue which was mentioned above by Taranatha is the question of authenticity. He states that the Sdom gsum 'od kyi phreng ba contains the attribution (kha-'phangs) "composed by Vibhuticandra (bi bhii ti candras mdzad do)." This is indeed the case, but it should be noted that all the colophons of texts composed or translated by Vibhuticandra alone are written in the third person, using the honorific verb "to compose" (mdzad).100 Not a single colophon is in the first person, using another ordinary verb such as sbyar-ba, 'bri-ba, or bkod-pa. In other words, Vibhuticandra wrote none of the colophons to his own works, and it seems that the unknown author of the Sdom gsum 'od kyi phreng ba, if it is indeed a forgery, may have simply copied a standard formula usually found at the end of a work by Vibhuticandra, to the effect of "(The work) composed by Vibhuticandra, the mahapandita of Jagaddala in eastern India, and translated himself, is complete."101

Taranatha then makes the very significant statement that the views within the Sdom gsum 'od kyi phreng ba do actually coincide with those of Vibhuticandra himself. His source for this knowledge is not specified, but he seems to make the point, both here and further below in the quote, that the doctrinal content of the text presents no problem for him, and a few lines further on he invites debate upon this very subject. It is other evidence within the text, such as style, diction, and so forth, which presumably caused him to state that it was obviously not by Vibhuticandra, and must have been written by a Tibetan.102 The specific refutation by 100. In this context it is very interesting to note that Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan lists seven treatises concerning the nature of vows attributed to early masters such as *Manjusriyasas ('Jam-dpal grags-pa), *Anandagarbha (Kun-dga' snying-po), and Lady *LaksmI (Lcam Legs-smi), which he states are certain forgeries, even though he received them in a living transmission from his own guru, and had even taught them a bit himself! He also emphasizes the use of the third person honorific "mdzad" used in the forged colophons. See Gragspa rgyal-mtshan, Rtsa 238.3.3-4: gzhung dang don gyi 'grel pa bdun po de dag kho bos kyang bla ma las thos shing / gzhan la 'ang cung z.ad 'chad mod kyi / de dag ni log par smra ba 'ba' z.hig yin la / mdzad do z.hes z.er ba 'i slob dpon chen po de dag gis kyang ma mdzad pa nyid du rig par bya 'o /.

101. For example, see the 'Od-phreng colophon of the Peking edition, 215. 4.1: rgya gar shar phyogs dz.a ga ta la'i pandi ta chen po bi bhii ti candras mdzad te rang 'gyur du mdzad pa rdz.ogs so /.

102. In Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan, Rtsa 249.4.2-4, there is a pertinent discussion of how to deal with texts attributed to the Buddha, or to other great masters, which were not composed by them: yang sangs rgyas sam slob dpon chen po dag gis ma mdzad pa la mdzad par ming btags pa dag mthong na de legs par

an Indian pandita of points in a contemporary Tibetan text is also, to my knowledge, unprecedented. This may have been another factor contributing to Taranatha's judgment that the Sdom gsum 'od kyi phreng ba was not composed by Vibhuticandra himself. It is conceivable that Vibhuticandra taught the basic positions found within this text, which was then written in verse form with a specific polemic aim by someone who had heard them during his stay at 'Bri-gung or Srin-po-ri.

Taranatha also states that later Sa-skya authors were not able to discern the difference between authentic texts of Indian origin, and those composed in Tibet. In particular, later scholars of the Sa-skya tradition criticized and ridiculed Vibhuticandra, which Taranatha dismisses as mere bluster.103 He gives as a reason the episode which was discussed above, in which Vibhuticandra is said to have not prostrated to the Sa-skya master Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan, therefore arousing the ire of those in the Saskya tradition.

As we have seen, the Sa-skya-pa thinkers, as represented by Dga'- gdong-pa and Go-ram-pa, believed the Sdom gsum 'od kyi phreng ba to have been composed by Vibhuticandra. As mentioned above, the strongest witness for the authenticity of the text is the fact that it was taught by Vibhuticandra to Kun-mkhyen Chos-sku 'od-zer.104 This shows that the Sdom gsum 'od kyi phreng ba was also accepted as an authentic work of Vibhuticandra in the lineage of the Bo-dong-pa tradition of the sadahgayoga masters whose lives are recorded by Padma gar dbang in 1538.

The Sdom gsum 'od kyi phreng ba is also included in all the available editions of the Tibetan Bstan- 'gyur. Bu-ston Rin-chen-grub included it in his landmark edition, and his index to the collection states that it was composed by Vibhuticandra, with no mention of any uncertainty of authorship.105 Bu-ston also translated at least one of Vibhuticandra's works from Sanskrit into Tibetan, and certainly did possess the ability to distinguish between Indian and Tibetan compositions.106

brtags te / don log par mthong na ni snga ma bzhin brda sprad par bya la / don la skyon med cing tshig ni 'phagspa dag gis ma mdzadpa'i nges pa dang Idan na 'di nyid don yin mod kyi / tshigs gi sdeb sbyor 'di ni 'phags pa dag gis ma mdz.ad do zhes brda sprod par smra ba 'di la 'ang nyes pa med do /. 103. Taranatha, Rdo, 484:. . .'ur 'brog langs pa kho nar zad do / 104. Padma gar-dbang, Zab 35 a.

105. Bu-ston Rin-chen grub, Bstan 566: bi bhii ti candras mdz.ad pa'i sdom gsum 'od kyi phreng ba / de nyid kyi rang 'gyur / 106. Sgrub thabs mdor byas kyi dka' 'grel (Pindlkrta-sadhana-panjikd), Peking, vol. 62, #2701: 263.1.6.-265.2.6. See #25 in the Appendix. This 158 JIABS 19.1

The Sdom gsum 'od kyi phreng ba was also accepted as authentic in the Dge-lugs-pa tradition, since we find Tsong-kha-pa Blo-bzang grags-pa using a verse from it when quoting Vibhuticandra.107 Moreover, the Sde-srid Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho gives Vibhuticandra's opinions from the Sdom gsum 'od kyi phreng ba a prominent place in his treatment of the controversy about whether the three vows can be considered trans - mutable.108 He specifically quotes the concluding lines of Vibhuticandra's work, and states that they clearly show he was following the views of his master S akyasri in maintaining that the vows are different in nature.109

The Bka'-brgyud teacher Karma 'phrin-las-pa, writing in 1502 and 1509, engaged in a fascinating discussion of the issues raised in the Sdom gsum 'od kyi phreng ba, while clearly considering the text to have been composed by Vibhuticandra.110 As noted above, the Bka'-brgyud historian Dpa'-bo Gtsug-lag phreng-ba also mentions the composition by Vibhuticandra, with no hint of controversy about authorship. Finally, the later Sa-skya scholar Zhu-chen Tshul-khrims rin-chen (1697-1774) included the text in the Sde-dge edition of the Bstan- 'gyur, without special comment. !

CONCLUSIONS

During three separate trips to Tibet, which totaled at least fifteen years, the Indian mahapandita Vibhuticandra made significant contributions to text concerning the practice of the Guhyasamaja-tantra was translated on the basis of the Indian manuscript by Bu-ston at his primary residence, the retreat site of Dpal Ri-phug above Zha-lu monastery, in the year 1340. Ruegg 1966, 149, also mentions that Bu-ston translated the small Samvarasddhana by VibhQticandra in 1357, but I have not located this text in the Peking edition of the Tibetan Bstan 'gyur.

107. Blo-bzang grags-pa, Gsang 471. 108. Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho, Dpal 475-481. 109. Ibid, 419.

110. Karma 4phrin-las-pa, Dri Ian padma 101, where the Sdom gsum od phreng is quoted, and especially Karma 'phrin-las-pa, Dri Ian drang 122-130, where the 'Od phreng is quoted on 123, and the issues are dealt with in detail from the viewpoints of Vibhuticandra, Rje-btsun Grags-pa, the 'Bri-gung-pa, and so forth. Karma 4Phrin-las-pa places the greatest emphasis upon the opinions of his teacher, the seventh Karma-pa, Chos-grags rgya-mtsho.

111. Zhu-chen Tshul-khrims rin-chen, Dpal 770: sdom gsum 'od kyi phreng ba zhes by a ba rgya gar shar phyogs dza ga ta la 'i pandi ta chen po bi bhu ti candras mdzad te /de nyid kyi rang 'gyur/.

the transmission of Buddhist knowledge from India and Nepal at a time when it was being destroyed by the Islamic invasions in India. In partic - ular, the practice of the sadahgayoga of the Kalacakra, as taught to him by the immortal mahasiddha Savaripa, has continued until the present day to be of special importance for the Kalacakra traditions maintained in Tibet. A number of works composed and translated by Vibhuticandra are preserved in the Tibetan Bstan- 'gyur, some of which hold promise for future research, especially his compositions concerning the Kalacakratantra and the Bodhicaryavatam.

The Sdom gsum 'od kyi phreng ba is certainly the most controversial work attributed to Vibhuticandra. Rje-btsun Taranatha was of the opinion that it was definitely a forgery, although the ideas within it correspond to positions Vibhuticandra accepted. Representatives of the other traditions all seem to have accepted it as an authentic work. Final con - elusions on this issue will have to await more thorough research into the Sdom gsum 'od kyi phreng ba itself, and the numerous issues raised by the opinions found therein.

APPENDIX

Works in the Peking Edition of the Tibetan Bstan- 'gyur

Composed and / or Translated by Vibhuticandra

Texts composed and/or translated at the Royal Palace in Pu-rang, Tibet:

1. Rdo rje tsar tsi ka'i las sgrub pa'i thabs (Vajracarcikakarma-sadhana), vol. 86, #4824: 46.2.5.-46.4.3.

Composed by Srldhara

Translated by Vibhuticandra and Glo-bo Lo-tsa-ba Shes-rab rin-chen, at Chos-kyi rgyal-poM pho-brang sku-mkhar nyi-gzugs.

2. Dpal rdo rje dbyangs can ma'i sgrub thabs (SrivajrasarasvatT-sadhana), vol. 86,,#4826: 47.1.8.-47.5.6.

Composed by Srldhara.

Translated by Vibhuticandra and Glo-bo Lo-tsa-ba Shes-rab rin-chen at Chos-kyi rgyal-po'i pho-brang sku-mkhar nyi-gzungs. 3. Rdo rje dkar mo'i rjes su 'dzin pa'i sgrub thabs (Vajragauryanugraha- sadhana), vol. 86, #4827: 47.5.6.-48.3.3.

Composed by Srldhara.

Translated by Vibhuticandra and Glo-bo Lo-ts a-ba Shes-rab rin-chen, at Chos-kyi rgyal-po'i khab sku-mkhar nyi-gzungs.

Texts composed and/or translated at Stham Bihar in Kathmandu, Nepal:

4. Dpal bde mchog gi dkyil 'khor kyi cho ga (Srlsamvara-mandalavidhi), vol. 52, #2226: 74.1.7.-85.5.3.

Composed by Tathagatavajra.

Translated by Vibhuticandra, at Thang bi-ha-ra. 5. 'Phags pa don yod zJiags pa 'i sgrub pa 'i thabs (Aryamoghapasa-sadhana), vol. 86, #4841: 102.4.2.-102.5.8.

Composed by Vibhuticandra, who was blessed by Sri Cakrasamvara.

Translated with Glo-bo Lo-tsa-ba Shes-rab rin-chen, at Bal-yul Thang - gi bhi-har gi gtsug-lag-khang.

6. 'Phags pa don yod zhags pa'i sgrub thabs {Aryamoghapas'a-sadhana), vol. 86, #4840: 101.3.7.-102.4.2.

Composed by Sakyasribhadra.

Translated by Vibhuticandra and Glo-bo Lo-tsa-ba Shes-rab rin-chen. Transmitted from Vibhuticandra to Glo-bo Lo-tsa-ba, by him to his (spiritual?) son (sras) Blo-gros bzang-po, and by him to Slob-dpon Amo- gha.

7. Dpal rdo rje phag mo'i sgrub thabs (Srivajravardhi-sadhana), vol. 86, #4825: 46.4.3.-47.1.8.

Composed by Srldhara.

Translated by Vibhuticandra, and revised and finalized (zhus te gtan la phab) by Blo-bo Lo-tsa-ba Shes-rab rin-chen, at Dpal chos-kyi-dbyings kyi gtsug-lag-khang rang-byung.112

Texts composed and/or translated at 'Bring-mtshams, in Gtsang, Tibet:

8. Sbyor ba yan lag drug pa'i 'grel pa {Sadahgayoga-tlka), vol. 47, #2084: 238.2.5.-242.4.2.

Composed by Ravisrijnana.

Translated by Vibh uticandra, at Ru-lag gi snying-po 'bring-mtshams kyi sa'i-cha/ dpal rgya-rtags kyi gtsug-lag-khang.

9. Byang chub kyi spyodpa la 'jug pa'i dgongs pa'i 'grel pa khyadpar gsal byed (Bodhicarydvatdra-tdtparyapanjika-vUesadyotani), vol. 100, #5282: 235.5.8.-281.3.4.

Composed and translated by Vibhuticandra. Translated at Ru-lag gtsang-stod 'bring-'tshams kyi sa'i-cha dpal rgyartags kyi gtsug-lag- khang.

112. Roerich, trans. 1959, 55, states that the Indians referred to Stham-Bihar by this name.

10. Rnal 'byor yan lag drug gi brjed byang yon tan gyis 'gengs pa (Gunabharani-nama sadahgayoga-tippant)]^, vol. 47, #2103: 283.1.5.
-294.4.8.

Composed by Ravisrijnana.

Originally translated by Vibhuticandra, but later retranslated by Dpang Lo-tsa-ba Blo-gros brtan-pa (1276-1342) at the insistence of Chosgrags dpal-bzang.114

The original translation by Vibhuticandra was of only half the text.115 Texts composed and / or translated at Ding-ri, near the Tibet-Nepal border:

11. Sbyor ba yan lag drug pa (Sadangayoga), vol. 47, #2083: 234.2.4. - 238.2.5.

Composed by Sri Anupamaraksita.

Translated by Vibhuticandra and Gnyal Lo-tsa-ba Mi-myam bzang-po, at La-stod Ding-ri glang-skor mkhan-pa (dur) khrod. See #22 below for the later retranslation by Dpang Blo-gros-brtan-pa.

12. Dpal dus kyi 'khor lo'i gdams ngag nyi ma zla ba sgrub pa (Srikdlacakropadesa- suryacandra-sddhana), vol. 47, #2085: 242.4.2- 244.5.6.

Translated by Vibhuticandra, at Dpal Ding-ri glang-'khor.116 13. Bla ma sgrub pa'i rgya gzhung phyi sgrub ti llo pas mdzad pa (Gurus adhana), vol. 87: 14.1.3.-14.2.3.

Composed by yogeivara Tilopa.

Translated by Vibhuticandra, at Dpal mkhan-pa'i dur-khrod (in Dingri.) 113. This text has been translated into German by Giinter Grobold (1969).

114. This master may be identified as Kun-spangs Chos-grags dpal-bzang (1283-1363), one of the great disciples of Kun-mkhyen Dol-po-pa at Jo-nang monastery. He was also a translator of several texts from Sanskrit. See Ngagdbang blo-gros grags-pa, Dpal 32-33, and Mang-thos klu -sgrub, Bstan 180. 115. Dpang-lo mentions in his colophon that although there are several instances of questionable meaning in the text, and many corrupt grammatical constructions, he had consulted an authoritative original document, and finding them there as well, had strictly adhered to the original in his work. Padma gar-dbang, Zab 24b, states that this text was translated at 'Bring-mtshams rgya-rtags.

116. According to the Derge Index, this text #1369, PHA, 216b.2-221b.4, was composed by Rigs-gsum mgon-po.

14. Phyi sgrub kyis rten 'brel pan chen bhi bu ti tsandras mdzad pa (Bahya-siddhi-pratltyasamutpdda), vol. 87, #5015: 14.2.3.-14.4.2.

No colophon, but the composition and translation are attributed to Vibhuticandra.

15. Bla ma sgrub pa'i rgya gzhung nang sgrub nd ro pas mdzad pa (Guru-siddhi),\oLSl, #5016: 14.2.4.-15.2.8.

Composed by SrlNaropa.

Translated by Vibhuticandra, probably at Ding-ri.

16. Bla ma gsang sgrub klu sgrub gyis mdzad pa (Guru-guhya-siddhi), vol. 87, #5017: 15.2.8.-16.2.6.

Composed by pandita Nagarjuna.

Translated by Vibhuticandra, at Dpal Ding-ri glang-'khor gyis dgonpa.

Transmission lineage: Vajradhara, Vajrapani, Nagarjuna, Tillopa, Naropa, Pham-thing-pa, Sakyasribhadra, Vibhuticandra, Ratnasrlbhadra, Bla-ma zhang Ratnasirnha.

17. Rnal 'byor yan lag drug pa (Yogasadahga), vol. 47, # 2091: 258.4.2.-258.5.1.

Spoken by Sri Savaresvara.

Translated by Vibhuticandra, probably at Ding-ri.

Transmitted by Savaripa directly to Vibhuticandra, at Stham Bihar in Kathmandu, Nepal.

Texts composed and/or translated at Drang-srong Srin-po-ri, in Dbus, Tibet:

18. Lu yi pa'i mngon par rtogs pa'i 'grel pa sdom pa'i 'byung ba (Luhipddabhisamaya-vrtti-samvarodaya), vol. 52, #2224: 58.2.1.- 63.1.7.

Composed by Tathagatavajra.

Translated by Vibhuticandra, at Drang-srong Srin-po-ri. 19. Lu yi pa 'i mngon par rtogs pa 'i 'grel pa 'i ti ka khyad par gsal byed (Luhipdddbhisamaya-vrtti-tlka-vUesa-dyota), vol. 52, #2225: 63.1.7.- 74.1.7.

Composed by Tathagatavajra.

Translated by Vibhuticandra, at Drang-srong Srin-po-ri. Received by 'Jam-dpal gzhon-nu from Vibhuticandra himself.

Other texts:

20. Ye shes spyan sgrub pa (Jnanacaksu-sadhana), vol. 47, #2086: 244.5.6.-245.3.7.

Composed by Kalacakrapada.

Translated by Vibhuticandra.

Transmission lineage: Kalacakrapada, jnanadakini Suryadharma, Ratnasrlbhadra, Sakyasribhadra, Vibhaticandra.

21. Nang gi snye ma {Antarmanjari), vol. 47, #2093: 259.2.1.-264.5.3. Edited and translated by Vibhuticandra.117

22. Sbyor ba yan lag drug pa (Sadahgayoga), vol. 47, #2102: 274.3.7. - 283.1.5.

Composed by Anupamaraksita.

A revision of #llabove, which was translated by Vibhaticandra and Gnyal Lo-ts a-ba Mi-yam bzang-po. This new translation is by Dpang Lo-tsa-ba Dpal-ldan blo-gros brtan-pa at the insistance of the great Kalacakra master Chos-grags dpal-bzang-po.118

23. Rmi lam brtag pa (Svapnohana), vol. 59, #2621: 110.3.8.-111.2.5.

Composed and translated by Vibhuticandra.

24. Rim pa Inga'i dgongs 'grel zla ba'i *od zer (Pancakrama-mata-fVcdcandraprabhd), vol. 62, #2700: 252.3.1.-263.1.6.

Composed by Abhyakaragupta.

Translated by Vibhuticandra.'l9
25. Sgrub thabs mdor byas kyi dka' 'grel {Pindikrta-sadhana-pahjikd), vol. 62, #2701: 263.1.6.-265.2.6.

117. Rong-pa Shes-rab seng-ge (1251-1315) and Rdo-rje rgyal-mtshan (1283-1325) strongly criticized Vibhaticandra. Both these teachers had been fellow students with Bu-ston Rin-chen grub under Thar-lo Nyi-ma rgyal mtshan, who had been the abbot of BodhgayS, India, for six years. See TSranatha, Myang 142. Rdo-rje rgyal-mtshan later became one of Bu-ston's most important teachers. See Roerich 1976, 792-793, and Ruegg 1966, 87- 89. According to Ta"ranatha the criticism by Shes-rab seng-ge and Rdo-rje rgyal-mtshan was because of an awkward translation by Vibhuticandra of his own anthology of Kalacakra related teachings, the Nang gi snye ma {Antarmanjari). They had found what they considered to be serious mistakes in meaning, but according to TaranStha this was due to the lack of fluency in the translation, and they had therefore been unable to correctly comprehend Vibhuticandra's intended meaning. Taranatha, Rdo 484: nang gi snye ma'i 'gyur ma bde ba zhig 'dug pas 'khrul gzhi byung nas don ma dgongs par... / 118. The colophon states: dpal dus kyi 'khor lo'i tshul la lhag par mos shing bio gros kyi snang ba cher rgyas pa 'i slob dpon chen po chos grags dpal bzang po'i bkas bskul / See note 114 above for the identification of Chosgrags dpal-bzang.

119. Ruegg 1966, 123, mentions that Bu-ston completed Vibhuticandra's translation of this text.

Composed by Vibhuticandra.

Translated by Bu-ston Rin-chen-grub, at the retreat site of Dpal Ri - phug, on the Dpa'-bo year of 1340.120 26. 'Jam pa'i rdo rje mchodpa'i cho ga (Manjuvajra-puja-vidhi), vol. 66, #2766: 59.2.3.-60.5.8.

Composed by Srldatta.

Translated by Vibhuticandra, with revision by Blo-gros seng-ge. 27. A ra pa tsa na'i sgrub thabs (Arapacana-sadhana), vol. 79, #3538: 85.3.4.-85.5.2.

Composed by Ajitamitra.

Translated by Vibhuticandra and Chag Lo-tsa-ba Chos-rje dpal. 28. Rmugs 'dz.in 'chol ba'i sgrub thabs (Ucchusma-jambhala-sadhana), vol. 81, #4565: 225.2.5.-226.1.8.

Composed by Abhayakaragupta.

Originally translated by Alamkadeva and Tshul-khrims 'byung-gnas sbas-pa, but retranslated by Vibhuticandra and Chag Lo-tsa-ba Chos-rje dpal.

29. 'Phags ma gdugs dkar mo can gzhan gyis mi thub pa sgrub pa'i thabs (Arya-sitatapatraparajitd-sadhana), vol. 80, #3935: 20.3.8.- 20.5.6.
Translated by Vibhuticandra and (Glo-bo Lo-tsa-ba) Shes-rab rin-chen. 30. 'Phags ma sgrol ma sgrub pa'i thabs (Arya-tara-sadhana), vol. 81, #4519: 97.4.6.-98.1.4.

Composed by Sakyasribhadra.
Translated by Vibhuticandra.
31. Sdom gsum 'od kyi phreng ba (Trisamvaraprabhamala), vol. 81, #4549: 214.3.4.-215.4.1.

Composed and translated by Vibhuticandra.

32. Chos mngon pa'i mdzod kyi 'grel pa gnad kyi sgron ma {Abhidharmakosa- vrtti-marma-pradipa), vol. 118, #5596: 275.5.8.-332.5.1.

Composed by Dignaga.

Translated by Vibhuticandra and 'Jam-dpal gzhon-nu. 33. 'Chi ba med pa'i mdzod kyi rgya cher 'grel pa 'dod 'jo'i ba mo (Amarakosa-tlka-kamadhenu), vol. 140, #5788: 157.4.1-183.2.7. Composed by VibhOticandra (Rab-'byor zla-ba).

Translated by Rgya-gar gyi mkhan-po Klrticandra and Yar-lungs-pa Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan (13th-14th cent.) in Kathmandu, Nepal. 120. Ruegg 1966, 122, also mentions Bu-ston's translation of this text.

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